O 25 DE ABRIL DA LÍBIA VISTO POR UM MÍOPE

Le calvaire des Africains noirs de Tripoli, brutalisés par les révolutionnaires libyens

LEMONDE | 02.09.11 | 11h46 • Mis à jour le 02.09.11 | 11h47

Des réfugiés africains se sont installés dans le camp de Sidi Bilal, près de Tripoli.



Tripoli, envoyé spécial - Comme les vieux rafiots qui rouillent à quai, ils ont échoué là, dans cette crique abandonnée. Le petit port de Sayad, à 25 km à l'ouest de Tripoli, est devenu le refuge de plusieurs centaines d'Africains fuyant les exactions et les arrestations arbitraires dans la nouvelle Libye libre. Huit cents hommes et quelques femmes. Certains sont là depuis deux mois, d'autres sont arrivés la veille, mercredi 31 août.

Mike et Harrison, deux Nigérians de respectivement 19 et 20 ans, ont tout fait ensemble : l'arrivée en Libye, il y a deux ans, l'embauche chez un installateur de télévision par câble à 200 dinars (120 euros) par mois, et maintenant la fuite. "Avant la révolution, les Libyens étaient déjà arrogants avec nous, raconte Mike. Parfois, ils ne nous payaient pas. Mais depuis février, tout est difficile. Les propriétaires ont commencé à nous chasser en disant que nous étions des mercenaires de Kadhafi. Des jeunes nous attaquaient pour nous voler."

Les deux compères ont déménagé pour Abou Salim, un quartier jouxtant Bab Al-Aziziya, le grand complexe occupé par Mouammar Kadhafi, et réputé abriter des tribus qui lui étaient acquises ainsi que des combattants de ses milices. "Un jour, on nous a dit de partir, enchaîne Harrison. Nous sommes venus ici." Le lieu est une ancienne garnison italienne, devenue une base militaire navale comme en témoigne une grande structure de béton qui devait être futuriste au moment de sa construction. Après son bombardement par l'aviation américaine en 1986, l'endroit a été abandonné. Des pêcheurs s'en servent, ainsi que des trafiquants de clandestins, manifestement avec la bénédiction des autorités. Les bateaux de pêche, dont nombre sont en cale sèche, ne semblent même plus en état de naviguer jusqu'aux îles de Lampedusa (Italie) ou de Malte, situées en face de la Libye. "De toute façon, personne ne sait les conduire ici", déplore Harrison, qui a élu domicile, avec une vingtaine d'autres, sous la coque d'un navire.

"LÀ, C'EST DEVENU LA PANIQUE"

Au fil des semaines et via le bouche-à-oreille, le flux des arrivées à Sayad de ceux pris au piège d'une guerre de plus en plus proche n'a cessé de grossir. Puis les rebelles ont pris Tripoli. "Là, c'est devenu la panique, témoigne Modibo, un Malien. Les Africains comme nous se font prendre aux barrages." Kizita Okosun, originaire de Benin-City (Nigeria), lui, a été arrêté à la maison. "Quelqu'un du quartier à dû me dénoncer. Ils ont volé mes biens et si ma propriétaire n'avait pas été là, je serais mort à l'heure qu'il est."

Il a été conduit dans un centre de détention provisoire. "Nous étions 59 Africains de toutes les nationalités dans la même cellule, sans eau, sans toilettes, sans matelas. On nous donnait à manger et à boire une fois par jour. Il y a un Malien blessé qui disait qu'il préférait mourir que rester là. Mais ils ne l'ont jamais amené à l'hôpital. Certains gardiens nous battaient, d'autres pas. Jamais ils ne nous ont interrogés." Kizita doit son salut à un Libyen d'origine américaine, revenu au pays pour combattre le colonel Kadhafi et ému par son sort. "Au bout d'une semaine, il a ouvert la porte et m'a dit : “Toi, suis moi!” Il m'a amené jusqu'ici en voiture. Dieu m'a sauvé, mais les autres sont toujours là-bas. Que vont-ils devenir?"

Et que vont devenir les réfugiés de Sayad ? Ils tuent le temps et l'angoisse dans des parties de foot, qui dégénèrent parfois en pugilat, ou entonnent des cantiques. L'argent et les vivres commencent à manquer. Médecins sans frontières, qui a découvert le campement improvisé le 27 août, effectue des visites journalières pour prodiguer des soins de base. Une réserve d'eau potable de 1 500 litres était en cours d'installation jeudi après-midi. "Mais ce qu'il faut, c'est une protection et une solution pour ces gens-là", souligne François Dumont, de MSF. D'après lui, un autre campement de ce type, plus petit, se trouve dans des fermes au sud de Tripoli.

"Le jour de l'attaque de Tripoli, les rebelles sont arrivés ici, ils nous ont fait asseoir cinq heures sous le soleil, se souvient Mike. Puis ils sont partis sans rien dire." Les réfugiés africains de Sayad se plaignent d'être régulièrement intimidés par des jeunes du coin, qui viennent tirer en l'air la nuit ou les rançonner de leurs maigres effets. Des jeunes Libyens passent en voiture à vive allure, mais refusent de répondre aux questions des journalistes.

Les thuwar (combattants rebelles) assurent que le Guide libyen était essentiellement défendu par des mourtazaka (mercenaires). Les Africains rencontrés à Sayad jurent qu'ils ne connaissent aucun mercenaire. La réalité, selon plusieurs sources concordantes, se situe autour d'un tiers de mercenaires africains – essentiellement des Tchadiens, des Soudanais et des Touaregs du Niger et du Mali – dans les forces kadhafistes. A Tripoli, des mercenaires se cacheraient dans des appartements, certains d'entre eux grièvement blessés mais trop terrorisés pour se rendre dans les hôpitaux, où ils craignent d'être livrés à la justice expéditive des rebelles. Les rumeurs d'exactions et d'arbitraire, ainsi que les conditions de détention des Africains alarment de plus en plus les organisations des droits de l'homme.

Interrogé à ce sujet, Oussama Al-Abed Al-Abed, vice-président du conseil municipal autoproclamé de Tripoli, assurait jeudi : "Il n'y a pas d'inquiétude à avoir. Ces gens seront jugés tout ce qu'il y a de plus légalement. Mais à l'avenir, les immigrés devront avoir des papiers. L'ancien régime laissait venir n'importe qui et ce n'est pas acceptable." Mais dans la rue, le ton est plus agressif : "Kadhafi a dilapidé tout notre argent auprès des Noirs", se plaignent nombre de Libyens.

Tous les Africains de Tripoli ne sont pas inquiétés. Certains d'entre eux, connus dans leur quartier, sont protégés par leurs voisins. Mais il arrive aussi que des Libyens noirs soient arrêtés dans ces rafles. Mercredi soir, une vingtaine de femmes gorane et toubou – deux ethnies africaines du Sud libyen, à la frontière tchadienne – campaient devant le complexe sportif de Bab Al-Bahr, où croupissent 210 mercenaires présumés. Elles réclament la libération d'un mari, d'un frère ou d'un fils, tous arrêtés, selon leurs récits, durant la nuit. Elles assurent qu'ils n'étaient pas des miliciens et que les révolutionnaires venus les arrêter en ont profité pour les voler et les battre. Un homme, la barbe fine et les épaules étroites, sort du bâtiment et leur intime l'ordre de se taire : "Vous n'avez pas le droit de ternir la révolution. Ce sont des mensonges." Un instant interdites, elles se ressaisissent : "Alors, c'est ça, la liberté ?"
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Libya: Gaddafi's army of mercenaries face backlash

Many black Africans have been arrested and accused of fighting for dictator, but claim they were press-ganged



Martin Chulov and David Smith in Tripoli
guardian.co.uk, Friday 2 September 2011 20.55 BST
Article history



Earlier this year, as revolution and siege ground Tripoli to a halt, Mehdi Hassan knew where to look for work. He would drive his taxi to a roundabout in the south-west of the capital and wait for foreigners who had arrived with the name of a destination, but had no idea how to get there. "The cigarette factory," he said. "That's all they had to say."

Hassan drove each of the men – there were around six over a three-week period – to a warehouse behind the giant, government-run tobacco plant in western Tripoli. The site was well known: an industrial plant, protected by military guards, which had become a cash cow for the Gaddafi regime.

"I was always told to go round here," he said as he retraced the route this week, down a long straight road inside the factory's high wall. "There were soldiers along the way and they pointed me towards that white building. Only one of the men I took there told me why he had come. The others couldn't speak Arabic. He said I am here to fight for Gaddafi."

The building, like almost every other government facility in town had been ransacked and abandoned. Three huge sacks of rice sat amid broken glass, an empty weapons crate and strewn green uniforms. A sign on the wall said: "God, Muammar and Libya only."

But there was little else left to prove this place was what many in town believe it to have been – a processing centre for mercenaries, who threw in their lot with a dictator.

Mehdi and other drivers around Tripoli are adamant. "It was very clear what it was," he said of the scene he saw in March. "They weren't even trying to hide it. There were around 100 men there and all of them were African. The Libyan soldiers were trying to speak to them in English."

In the 13 days since Gaddafi's security forces were ousted, finding out how – and by whom - this totalitarian state was held together for so long has become an obsession for Tripoli's brutalised residents as well as the city's new guard, which rode into town seeking vengeance as much as a new beginning.

What began early last week as a series of security sweeps to uncover the remnants of Gaddafi's loyalists has edged towards a larger and more troubling persecution. It is not a good time to be a sub-Saharan African here. It is an especially poor time to be black and in hospital with a gunshot wound.

A tour of the capital's overworked hospitals over the past fortnight revealed sizable numbers of such men in beds alongside soldiers from Gaddafi's ousted army. How they got there is an issue of much conjecture.

"I swear by God I was walking in the street when I was shot," said a Senegalese man, Ali Senegal, in Mitiga hospital. A bullet had entered the right side of his neck and shattered his jaw.

A Gaddafi soldier in a bed opposite spoke up. "You were a sniper and you know you were," he said. Senegal looked horrified and alone. Even if he was telling the truth, there is little chance that he will be believed.

In the next room, a second man from Niger had just been brought in from a triage centre with a gaping wound to his right leg. "I am a mechanic," he said angrily. "I have been working in Abu Selim for three years." Both men had the misfortune to be injured in a battle that raged on 26 August in the staunchly loyalist neighbourhood just south of Gaddafi's Bab al-Azazia compound.

In the eyes of the doctors treating them, they had no good reason for being in Abu Selim. But at least here, the men can expect to be fed, given water and have their wounds tended to.

The street outside is not proving as kind. Across Tripoli, thousands of black Africans no longer enjoy the status bestowed on them under Gaddafi, when hundreds of thousands were welcomed over the past 25 years and given work permits or citizenship.

At least several thousand have been detained in the past fortnight on suspicion of being mercenaries. Many thousands more have fled or are in the process of doing so. Yet more still remain holed up in small groups in Tripoli neighbourhoods too frightened to venture out.

At Mitiga hospital two badly wounded men, one a Tuareg tribesman and another from Chad, walked gingerly into the emergency ward, wincing with every step. They had been staying together in a private home, not willing to seek help for fear of what might happen to them. "We were in the wrong place at the wrong time," said the Tuareg man. "Help us."

Hundreds of thousands of Africans fled Libya to their home countries, mainly Chad, Mali, Niger, Sudan and Somalia in the early days of the revolution in late-February and March.

Yet there is evidence that as they left, small numbers of men from the same countries were travelling in the other direction. Late last week at Abu Selim hospital, Dr Sami, a trauma surgeon, walked the Guardian around the grounds.

Every blood-caked trolley from inside the building had been wheeled outside into the scorching sunlight because the hospital was being disinfected in an effort to cleanse the stain and scent of death caused by so many bodies.

Sami took us to a hut near the hospital entrance, where cleaners had kept a memento – a wallet-sized card issued to a man from Chad. On one side it said in Arabic and English: "Carry this with you at all times and you will be safe." On the other side it said: "I am here to protect the king of kings."

Sami said: "This is what was given to the mercenaries. There were dozens like this. We had many, many of them in this hospital in the past few days. Most couldn't speak Arabic, or English. They would just point at their injuries. They didn't want to be admitted even if they were in agonising pain. Most of the bodies we had here were black Africans. And most of them were not claimed by anyone."

In a second hospital, Shara Zaweya, in the centre of town, Dr Ghassem Barouni has also been treating suspected African fighters. He held up a necklace of one man – a Tuareg tribesman – who claimed to hold Libyan nationality and said: "He believed this was going to protect him from bullets. He was still very loyal to Gaddafi, even after all this death.

"It is 200% true that there were mercenaries here fighting for Gaddafi," he said. "Many of them came just for that purpose. But there are others who have been here for a long time. They were allowed to work here and they were given benefits. But there was a price to pay for that. When the time came they were expected to fight."

Sami's account has been supported by interviews with many other officials over the past week who suggest an unknown number of non-military men took up arms to support Gaddafi in the dying days of his regime. Some were compelled to do so. Others apparently volunteered.

In a police station in Tripoli, where 34 alleged soldiers of fortune are being held, Abdalla Beid, 31, from Niger, said he had been living in Libya for seven years and working as a cleaner. He claimed he was recently deceived into joining Gaddafi's army with the promise of a job as a security guard for 400 dinars a month.

"A Libyan man came to Sabha and said there is a job in Tripoli providing security for a house but he needs five people," he said. "He took us to Tripoli and put us in a house. Then he said, 'This job is not a security job. Now we are fighting for Libya. We need people to fight the rats.'

"He tried to give us guns. He tried to force us to do the job. He said, 'I brought you here to do this job and you have to do it, whether you like the job or not.' I tried to refuse. He said, 'If you refuse, I will kill you.' One man, who was from Chad, agreed to fight but the rest of us refused. He locked us in a room for six days. Then he drove us outside and, on the same day, I was caught."

The desperate and savage last days of Gaddafi's 42 years in power are rapidly recasting Libya's historical association with Africa and lay bare the often cynical relationship Gaddafi had with the people he championed.

In the wake of the regime has come resentment and a current of racism that Libya's new leaders have vowed will not become entrenched.

"Some people chose to fight," said Winston Emerson Adango, who is trying to leave Libya to return to Niger. "But people like me just want to live."

-------------------------


A DO "NEM MAIS UM SOLDADO PARA AS COLÓNIAS" ESSA GRANDE REVOLUCIONÁRIA ANA GOMES É TODA PRÁ FRENTEX.PRETOS BONS SÓ OS DO CONGO PORRA...JÁ FOI AO BEIJA-MÃO DO CNT.SEMPRE NA BRECHA!
OS CIPAIOS AFRICANOS QUE AJUDAM O NOSSO EX-GRANDE AMIGO(VERSÃO SÓCRATES) CAVARAM A SEPULTURA A MUITO DIFERENTE...
MAS A RAPAZIADA ATÉ É ABANDONADA PELOS RESPECTIVOS PAÍSES QUE DEPOIS DE "LIBERTOS" DO DIABO BRANCO FICARAM AUTÊNTICOS OÁSIS DE DIREITOS HUMANOS, DEMOCRACIA E ABUNDÂNCIA PORQUE O "COLONO" DEIXOU DE OS ROUBAR...(ESPERO QUE OS INTERNACIONALISTAS AQUI APLAUDAM)
TÊ-LOS DE VOLTA É QUE NUNCA.ALIÁS A AFRICANIDADE NEM ATADA QUER REGRESSAR.PARA ISSO CONTAM COM O SOS RACISMO, N! ONG´S E CLARO OS HABITUAIS INTERNACIONALISTAS DAS "MIGRAÇÕES" E "COMISSÕES" E "ORGANIZAÇÕES" DO "QUANTO PIOR MELHOR".MAS QUE JÁ FODERAM PORTUGAL...

OLHEM AS RECIPROCIDADES QUE O PORTAS DEVE TER EM CONTA

Clandestins : ces pays qui ne jouent pas le jeu

Par Jean-Marc Leclerc Mis à jour le 02/09/2011 à 08:23 | publié le 01/09/2011
Claude Guéant s'est fixé comme objectif au moins 30.000 reconduites à la frontière pour 2011.

Claude Guéant dénonce huit pays qui rechignent à reprendre leurs nationaux.

Mali, République démocratique du Congo, Congo, Angola, Mauritanie, Pakistan, Bangladesh et Sénégal. Ces huit pays à forte émigration sont pointés du doigt au ministère de l'Intérieur. En cause: leur refus quasi systématique de réintégrer leurs nationaux lorsque ceux-ci ont été arrêtés en France en situation irrégulière. Et pourtant, ce groupe des huit fait l'objet de sollicitations pressantes. Claude Guéant l'a rappelé jeudi devant les ambassadeurs français réunis à Paris, lors d'une grande conférence: «Un plan spécifique» a été mis en place, a déclaré le ministre, «qui vise notamment à exercer ce qu'il est bien convenu d'appeler des pressions» sur ces huit pays «prioritaires».

Claude Guéant le reconnaît: «Pour éloigner des étrangers, nous sommes tributaires de la bonne volonté des pays d'origine -souvent proches de nous politiquement- à délivrer des laissez-passer consulaires.» Or, l'«affaire», selon son expression, «n'est pas une question subalterne; c'est une question importante, car elle conditionne au moins en partie l'efficacité de notre effort pour limiter l'immigration clandestine.»

Il faudra, en conclut Claude Guéant, «insister encore» auprès de ces États qui ne jouent pas le jeu, sans trop détailler les éventuelles mesures qui pourraient les viser, en cas de refus. Une chose est sûre: au-delà de ces huit pays, la non-délivrance de laissez-passer représente la première cause d'échec des procédures d'éloignement, soit un tiers des quelque 100.000 mesures prononcées par Paris. La clé du problème migratoire est donc largement diplomatique. D'où les efforts déployés jeudi par le «premier flic de France» pour séduire les ambassadeurs réunis jeudi pour leur conclave annuel.
Politique plus restrictive

Depuis la mi-juillet, la durée de rétention des étrangers en situation irrégulière peut aller jusqu'à 45 jours, au lieu de 32 précédemment. Cet allongement devrait en théorie augmenter les chances de l'administration d'obtenir des laissez-passer consulaires de la part des pays qui traînent des pieds pour reprendre leurs ressortissants. La Chine, par exemple, attend en moyenne 35 jours avant de délivrer le précieux sésame, et le Mali, environ 38.

Aux ambassadeurs désormais de trouver les mots pour convaincre ces États «proches» qu'une solution est toujours possible. La place Beauvau s'est fixée comme objectif au moins 30.000 reconduites à la frontière pour 2011. Elle prône également une politique plus restrictive en matière d'immigration légale, avec 20.000 entrées de moins dès cette année. Et comme pour verrouiller ce changement de cap, le patron de l'Office français de l'immigration et de l'intégration (Ofii), Dominique Paillé, proche de Jean-Louis Borloo et recruté au temps où le gouvernement voulait augmenter l'immigration professionnelle, a annoncé jeudi qu'il serait remplacé. Le puzzle de l'avant-présidentielle se met en place.

ANGOLA SÓ DÁ VISTOS DE "TURISTA" AOS TRABALHADORES TUGAS.QUE PODEM SER DESPACHADOS SEM RECLAMAÇÃO COM 20 KG EM 24 HORAS.MAS NEM QUER RECEBER OS CLANDESTINOS QUE COM O CÉLEBRE "VISTO PALOP" NOS QUER INUNDAR DE GAJOS QUE NUNCA MAIS QUERERÃO "REGRESSAR" AOS SEUS MUSSEQUES.
ISTO É ASSIM:OS NOSSOS INTERNACIONALISTAS ALIADOS À GUERRILHA "DESCOLONIZARAM" AO ESTILO "SALVE-SE QUEM PUDER",FIZERAM UMA LIMPEZA ÉTNICA E UM CONFISCO MONUMENTAL. FORAM GRANDES HERÓIS E SERVEM ACTUALMENTE COMO CARNEIROS DAS OVELHINHAS,A CAMINHO DO NEM PRETO NEM BRANCO, ANTES MULATO, COM BONS VENCIMENTOS E ACUMULAÇÃO DE REFORMAS.
POIS ACTUALMENTE A MISSÃO INTERNACIONALISTA DESSA CARNEIRADA É IR FAZENDO O SOBADO DE LISBOA COLONIZANDO-NOS COM TODOS OS DIREITOS!CASA, CAMA E ROUPA LAVADINHA TUDO POR CONTA DOS XENÓFOBOS E RACISTAS BRANQUELAS...COM RECURSO À "DÍVIDA" EVIDENTEMENTE POIS QUE PARA SALVAR O PLANETA, EM ESPECIAL A PARTE AFRICANA TUDO SE JUSTIFICA!ISSO E APANHAR NO CU COM "CASAMENTO" POIS OS PANASCAS SABEM DO TAMANHO DAS FERRAMENTAS DA PRETALHADA...QUE TANTO NÃO QUER COMO QUER SER "PORTUGUESA"
COM AS CENTENAS DE MILHAR QUE POR AÍ VEGETAM POR CONTA DO ESTADO SOCIAL E DAS "ANIMAÇÕES" CENSURADAS PELA PROPAGANDA QUALQUER DIA VAI SER UMA GRANDE FESTA!COMO NA LÍBIA...

"PORTUGUESES" HÁ MUITOS.OS INTERNACIONALISTAS REFORÇARAM-SE E NIVELARAM-NOS POR BAIXO...

O Parlamento aprovou hoje, com os votos contra do Bloco de Esquerda, PCP e Os verdes, a proposta de resolução que ratifica o Acordo entre Portugal e os EUA para reforçar a cooperação na área da prevenção e do combate ao crime, em particular o terrorismo.

A LEI DA NACIONALIDADE NÃO DISCRIMINA NINGUÉM E TUDO SALVA E TUDO NACIONALIZA.SEMPRE POBRE EVIDENTEMENTE A PRECISAR DE TUDO QUE O ESTADO SOCIAL TEM SUPRIDO COM "DÍVIDA". QUASE 10% DE "PORTUGUESES" MUITAS DAS VEZES COM PAPÉIS MANHOSOS E QUERIAM TER OS ANTIGOS DIREITOS DE "NAÇÃO COESA"?SOCIALMENTE E CULTURALMENTE?O QUANTO PIOR MELHOR TEM PREÇO.E ISTO DOS ADN´S ATÉ NEM É NADA.DEIXEM FERMENTAR BEM A CRISE E LÁ MAIS PARA A FRENTE VÃO AINDA SENTIR O CHEIRO REVOLUCIONÁRIO DA PÓLVORA.

QUE A MOTA E ENGIL CONSTRUA UMA ALDEIA OLÍMPICA EM CADA PALOP, OFERTA DOS CONTRIBUINTES TUGAS

O PCP apresentou hoje um pacote com oito projectos com taxas em sede de IRS e IRC sobre os rendimentos dos mais ricos, sobre património e bens de luxo e sobre mais-valias bolsistas através dos quais espera conseguir uma receita fiscal em cerca de “2600 a 2700 milhões de euros”. “Uma estimativa feita por baixo”, afirmou o deputado comunista, Honório Novo.

ISTO É ASSIM SE A ALDEIA OLÍMPICA DE MOÇAMBIQUE QUE A MOTA E ENGIL FEZ POR 116 MILHÕES DO NOSSO RICO DINHEIRINHO E ISSO NÃO INDIGNOU NENHUM DEPUTADO DO SOBADO QUE RECORDE-SE VAI SER PAGA COM AS "SOBRETAXAS" AO IRS DOS "RICOS" EM 2012 DE VALOR SEMELHANTE TEM INTEIRA RAZÃO O INTERNACIONALISTA PCP AO QUERER AUMENTAR A RECEITA PARA ACABAR COM AS INJUSTIÇAS.OS OUTROS PALOP´S TAMBÉM SÃO FILHOS DE DEUS E MERECEM UMA ALDEIA OLÍMPICA PAGA POR TODOS NÓS E CONSTRUÍDA EVIDENTEMENTE PELA MOTA E ENGIL!
ABRIL SEMPRE!

UMA JORNADA DE COMPRAS EM LISBOA

Trabalhadores dos Estaleiros de Viana vão a Lisboa defender a empresa
Cerca de 500 trabalhadores dos Estaleiros Navais de Viana do Castelo partiram, esta sexta-feira de manhã, para Lisboa, onde vão promover uma marcha de 1700 metros até à porta da Empordef defendendo a viabilidade da empresa.

QUEREM CERTAMENTE COMPRAR OS ESTALEIROS COMO "COMPRARAM" AS 36 HORAS SEMANAIS.QUALIDADE DE VIDA ACIMA DE TUDO.QUE OS CONTRIBUINTES ESTÃO CÁ PARA PAGAR EVIDENTEMENTE...
DEPOIS QUEREM QUE OS CAPITALISTAS PAGUEM A CRISE...

QUE A MERKEL RECEBA O JERÓNIMO , O LOUÇÃ E O SEGURO

Passos desafina de Portas sobre obrigações europeias

Após a reunião que teve ontem com a chanceler alemã, Angela Merkel, primeiro-ministro assumiu que 'eurobonds' não são solução.

PÁ A RAPAZIADA ENTRAVA COM IDEIAS PRÓPRIAS E SAÍA COM AS IDEIAS DA ÂNGELA...

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Em causa está a legalidade da documentação apresentada por Berardo que serviu de base às condenações por parte do Banco de Portugal. O caso da violação do sigilo bancário no BCP, na denúncia das 'offshores' sem dono identificado

TUDO FOI MONTADO LABORIOSAMENTE COM UMA ÚNICA FINALIDADE:A MALTA TER QUE APANHAR NO CU...