Disturbios en Milán tras el asesinato de un joven egipcio
La Liga del Norte promete mano dura: "Los expulsaremos casa por casa"
MIGUEL MORA | Roma 14/02/2010
Vía Padova, un barrio multiétnico de la periferia de Milán situado en las cercanías de plaza Loreto, el lugar donde se expuso el cadáver de Benito Mussolini en abril de 1945, se convirtió en la noche del sábado en el escenario de una batalla urbana. El detonante fue el asesinato de un inmigrante egipcio de 19 años, acuchillado durante una reyerta, dijeron las autoridades, por un grupo de latinoamericanos aun no identificado. Los norteafricanos, que forman el colectivo más numeroso del barrio, respondieron volcando coches e incendiando mobiliario urbano durante varias horas. La policía detuvo a 39 magrebíes por la guerrilla, cuatro de las cuales quedaron bajo arresto.
Mientras las fuerzas del orden buscan a los autores del homicidio, la revuelta encendía otra vez la polémica política sobre la inmigración. Mientras la Liga del Norte, que gobierna el país y el ayuntamiento de Milán en coalición con el Pueblo de la Libertad, prometía "controles y expulsiones casa por casa, piso por piso" en los barrios de inmigrantes de la ciudad, Maurizio Gasparri, portavoz de los senadores del PDL, arremetió contra "los ingenuos de izquierda que lanzan elogios demagógicos a la integración".
El Gobierno, aseguró Gasparri, "continuará en su línea de firmeza, y no tolerará guerras étnicas". "Quitaremos la residencia y expulsaremos de inmediato a los violentos, hacen falta medidas drásticas, coherentes con las normas aprobadas por el centro derecha. Aplicaremos la tolerancia cero a quienes destruyan nuestras ciudades".
Usando el tono usual en la mayoría de Gobierno, que tiende a equiparar inmigración y criminalidad, Gasparri afirmó que "la violencia racista no es compatible con las reglas italianas de la democracia, la legalidad y la tolerancia", y alabó la devolución de inmigrantes en alta mar puesta en práctica por Interior en julio pasado tras la firma del pacto secreto con Libia. Según ACNUR y otras organizaciones de derechos humanos, esa política es ilegal porque viola las normativas internacionales sobre el derecho de asilo.
Menos evasivo que otras veces, el líder del Partido Democrático, Pierluigi Bersani, aseguró que los "gravísimos disturbios demuestran que la política de seguridad del Gobierno ha fracasado", y acusó al Ejecutivo de tratar la inmigración como mero asunto electoral: "Prefieren cabalgar y cultivar los problemas de los inmigrantes para obtener votos antes que afrontarlos con seriedad y resolverlos".
ELE É QUE SABE INTEGRAR.E LUCRAR COM ISSO.EMBORA POR NOSSA CONTA.E COM UM AMPLO CAMPO DE IDEIAS INOVADORAS QUE FORAM DESDE A DESCOLONIZAÇÃO JÁ, COM ABANDONO DOS "CRIMINOSOS COLONOS" ATÉ AO MELHOR ACOLHIMENTO DO MUNDO COM A MAIS RÁPIDA NACIONALIZAÇÃO AO FIM DE 6 ANOS DOS QUAIS 3 PODEM SER EM PRISÃO... E EXAMES "ORAIS" PARA ANALFABETOS...TUDO NO SEGREDO DOS DEUSES NÃO VÃO OS INDÍGENAS DESCONFIAR...
PERTENCE CERTAMENTE AO submundo da blogosfera DE ACORDO COM CIENTÍFICAS CLASSIFICAÇÕES DUNS GAJOS QUE VIVEM DOS MEUS IMPOSTOS E ANDAM A AFUNDAR PORTUGAL
Monday, February 15, 2010
Sunday, February 14, 2010
AS CAUSAS DO MAL.MAS TODOS MUITO INTERNACIONALISTAS, HUMANISTAS PARA DISFARÇAR MUITA GATUNAGEM...
Mais chefes que índios
Publicado por PauloMorais em 14 Fevereiro, 2010
Para um país com dez milhões de pessoas, um Presidente, um primeiro-ministro e respectivas cortes, um governo e um parlamento nacionais, dois governos e dois parlamentos regionais, mais de trezentos presidentes de câmara e correspondentes vereadores, mais de quatro mil presidentes de junta de freguesia… é demais.
Publicado por PauloMorais em 14 Fevereiro, 2010
Para um país com dez milhões de pessoas, um Presidente, um primeiro-ministro e respectivas cortes, um governo e um parlamento nacionais, dois governos e dois parlamentos regionais, mais de trezentos presidentes de câmara e correspondentes vereadores, mais de quatro mil presidentes de junta de freguesia… é demais.
O SOBADO VISTO DE LONDRES
From The Sunday Times February 14, 2010
Portuguese look to Brazil, not Brussels, for help
Faced with a Greece-like situation, people are relying on Latin linksMatthew Campbell in Lisbon
Outside the Brasilia sandwich bar in a poor part of Lisbon one afternoon last week a group of men leaned against the wall, chatting and smoking cigarettes. One of them whistled at the black prostitute touting for business over the road. A beggar in a threadbare coat swigged from a bottle.
Welcome to sunny Portugal.
Known for its seaside resorts and soulful fado music, the unassuming country on the western frontier of Europe is just as much in the mire as Greece as it struggles with soaring debt and rising unemployment, which have pushed a naturally melancholic people to the brink of despair.
Any mention of the word “work” provokes sniggers outside the sandwich bar. “There’s no jobs round here,” says Dario, 30, a bricklayer. “I’d go to Brazil if I could afford the air fare.”
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Jose Socrates, Portugal’s socialist prime minister, finds himself in a corner. Having lost his majority in September’s elections, he is struggling to keep order. He insists that his country does not need help from the European Union, let alone the International Monetary Fund, to restore fiscal health.
The markets, however, do not seem convinced by assurances that spending cuts alone will bring the deficit — which reached 9.3% of GDP last year — to below 3% by 2013.
It takes a lot to stir the introspective Portuguese, but a giant demonstration has been called for March 4 to vent anger against a promised publicsector wage freeze and job cuts.
Like neighbouring Spain, the country has taken great strides from the days of dictatorship, emerging with optimism and relief into the sunny upland of paved roads and democracy after joining the EU in 1986.
Socrates boasts that in the five years he has been in office Portugal has become one of Europe’s leaders in renewable energy and electronic government, allowing more and more citizens to pay their bills over the internet.
He has won plaudits for guaranteeing every schoolchild a laptop computer and English lessons from the age of six. Although they may not find a job at the end of it, 35% of Portuguese people now go to university.
What sustained Portugal before, though, was not the dynamism of its politicians but its low labour costs. Eastward expansion of the EU and the loosening of trade barriers with Asia were disastrous for Portugal. It found it could not compete with the likes of the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The economy stopped growing a decade ago.
“We must learn to adapt, to diversify and rediscover the dynamism of our ancestors,” said Antonio Monteiro, a former foreign minister and ambassador to Paris, referring to the golden era of the great 15th-century navigators. “We must learn to compete in a globalised world.”
People are sceptical, though, about the government’s chances, and for many a voyage of discovery seems preferable to sitting out an economic meltdown at home: the “brain drain” has accelerated in recent months as unemployment has crept up to almost 11% — it is double that for the young — with signs of worse to come.
The promised budget cuts, casting doubt over muchvaunted projects such as a high-speed rail link to Madrid and a new airport in Lisbon to replace the tiny one on the edge of the city, have heightened the sense of uncertainty.
By contrast, Brazil, a Portuguese-speaking power in the tropics, seems a land of opportunity. “We feel closer to Brazil than to Germany or other European countries,” said Luis Barbosa, a telecommunications company director who spent 15 years running businesses there. “We have the same, easy-going temperament.”
He talks about the reemergence of a “golden triangle” binding Portugal, Brazil and Angola, another former colony, which has become one of Africa’s largest oil producers.
“It will never replace Europe,” he said. “But it’s a useful card to have up our sleeve.”
The balance of power may have shifted, though, in this age-old alliance, and some refer to “reverse colonisation” to describe the way newly rich Angolans are buying up chunks of the Portuguese economy, not to mention the goods in the Louis Vuitton store on the Avenida da Liberdade in central Lisbon.
Others talk of the “Latin-Americanisation” of Portugal, not just because of the influx of Brazilian money. About 20% of Portugal’s population is estimated to be living below the poverty line, and the contrast between the weed-choked immigrant slum on the edge of Lisbon known as Cova da Moura, or “Moor’s den”, and the poolside villas, gated communities and luxury hotels on the coast at Cascais reflects the greatest gap between rich and poor in any European country.
BMW unveiled its latest 5-series model at a glitzy event in a Cascais hotel last week. But not even this opulent enclave is safe from the storm: the Casino Estoril, a cathedral of gleaming marble and neon owned by Stanley Ho of Macau — another former Portuguese colony — recently laid off 100 workers.
Expensive cars gleamed in the car park on Wednesday night but the atmosphere inside suggested a funeral parlour: there was not a high roller in sight as a group of bored-looking retired people stared in silence at a turning roulette wheel.
Cova da Moura, considered the most sordid slum in the country, is by no means as desperate as the rag-strewn slums around Rio de Janeiro, but taxi drivers are not happy to go there. African youths sitting in doorways glare menacingly at drivers who venture in.
The more worrying part of “Brazilification”, perhaps, is Portugal’s apparent powerlessness against South American drug-trafficking gangs that have taken root with impunity on its soil. Police say about a third of Europe’s cocaine comes in by sea through Portugal.
For some the pull of Latin America is an example of life imitating art: in The Stone Raft, a 1986 novel by Portugal’s Nobel laureate Jose Saramago, the Iberian peninsula breaks off from Europe and floats westward out into the Atlantic.
Portugal insists that it has no intention of leaving Europe, let alone reinstating the escudo. “That will never happen,” says Monteiro, the former diplomat. “We are in Europe and will stay there.”
MAS É UM SOBADO CHEIO DE DIREITOS HUMANOS E GARANTIAS PARA ACOLHIDOS.AGORA É A VEZ DOS INDÍGENAS PAGAREM COM LINGUA DE PALMO...
Portuguese look to Brazil, not Brussels, for help
Faced with a Greece-like situation, people are relying on Latin linksMatthew Campbell in Lisbon
Outside the Brasilia sandwich bar in a poor part of Lisbon one afternoon last week a group of men leaned against the wall, chatting and smoking cigarettes. One of them whistled at the black prostitute touting for business over the road. A beggar in a threadbare coat swigged from a bottle.
Welcome to sunny Portugal.
Known for its seaside resorts and soulful fado music, the unassuming country on the western frontier of Europe is just as much in the mire as Greece as it struggles with soaring debt and rising unemployment, which have pushed a naturally melancholic people to the brink of despair.
Any mention of the word “work” provokes sniggers outside the sandwich bar. “There’s no jobs round here,” says Dario, 30, a bricklayer. “I’d go to Brazil if I could afford the air fare.”
Related Links
Why Euro’s woes should scare us all
Worries for eurozone as Greek plight worsens
EU on verge of deal to rescue Greece and euro
Jose Socrates, Portugal’s socialist prime minister, finds himself in a corner. Having lost his majority in September’s elections, he is struggling to keep order. He insists that his country does not need help from the European Union, let alone the International Monetary Fund, to restore fiscal health.
The markets, however, do not seem convinced by assurances that spending cuts alone will bring the deficit — which reached 9.3% of GDP last year — to below 3% by 2013.
It takes a lot to stir the introspective Portuguese, but a giant demonstration has been called for March 4 to vent anger against a promised publicsector wage freeze and job cuts.
Like neighbouring Spain, the country has taken great strides from the days of dictatorship, emerging with optimism and relief into the sunny upland of paved roads and democracy after joining the EU in 1986.
Socrates boasts that in the five years he has been in office Portugal has become one of Europe’s leaders in renewable energy and electronic government, allowing more and more citizens to pay their bills over the internet.
He has won plaudits for guaranteeing every schoolchild a laptop computer and English lessons from the age of six. Although they may not find a job at the end of it, 35% of Portuguese people now go to university.
What sustained Portugal before, though, was not the dynamism of its politicians but its low labour costs. Eastward expansion of the EU and the loosening of trade barriers with Asia were disastrous for Portugal. It found it could not compete with the likes of the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The economy stopped growing a decade ago.
“We must learn to adapt, to diversify and rediscover the dynamism of our ancestors,” said Antonio Monteiro, a former foreign minister and ambassador to Paris, referring to the golden era of the great 15th-century navigators. “We must learn to compete in a globalised world.”
People are sceptical, though, about the government’s chances, and for many a voyage of discovery seems preferable to sitting out an economic meltdown at home: the “brain drain” has accelerated in recent months as unemployment has crept up to almost 11% — it is double that for the young — with signs of worse to come.
The promised budget cuts, casting doubt over muchvaunted projects such as a high-speed rail link to Madrid and a new airport in Lisbon to replace the tiny one on the edge of the city, have heightened the sense of uncertainty.
By contrast, Brazil, a Portuguese-speaking power in the tropics, seems a land of opportunity. “We feel closer to Brazil than to Germany or other European countries,” said Luis Barbosa, a telecommunications company director who spent 15 years running businesses there. “We have the same, easy-going temperament.”
He talks about the reemergence of a “golden triangle” binding Portugal, Brazil and Angola, another former colony, which has become one of Africa’s largest oil producers.
“It will never replace Europe,” he said. “But it’s a useful card to have up our sleeve.”
The balance of power may have shifted, though, in this age-old alliance, and some refer to “reverse colonisation” to describe the way newly rich Angolans are buying up chunks of the Portuguese economy, not to mention the goods in the Louis Vuitton store on the Avenida da Liberdade in central Lisbon.
Others talk of the “Latin-Americanisation” of Portugal, not just because of the influx of Brazilian money. About 20% of Portugal’s population is estimated to be living below the poverty line, and the contrast between the weed-choked immigrant slum on the edge of Lisbon known as Cova da Moura, or “Moor’s den”, and the poolside villas, gated communities and luxury hotels on the coast at Cascais reflects the greatest gap between rich and poor in any European country.
BMW unveiled its latest 5-series model at a glitzy event in a Cascais hotel last week. But not even this opulent enclave is safe from the storm: the Casino Estoril, a cathedral of gleaming marble and neon owned by Stanley Ho of Macau — another former Portuguese colony — recently laid off 100 workers.
Expensive cars gleamed in the car park on Wednesday night but the atmosphere inside suggested a funeral parlour: there was not a high roller in sight as a group of bored-looking retired people stared in silence at a turning roulette wheel.
Cova da Moura, considered the most sordid slum in the country, is by no means as desperate as the rag-strewn slums around Rio de Janeiro, but taxi drivers are not happy to go there. African youths sitting in doorways glare menacingly at drivers who venture in.
The more worrying part of “Brazilification”, perhaps, is Portugal’s apparent powerlessness against South American drug-trafficking gangs that have taken root with impunity on its soil. Police say about a third of Europe’s cocaine comes in by sea through Portugal.
For some the pull of Latin America is an example of life imitating art: in The Stone Raft, a 1986 novel by Portugal’s Nobel laureate Jose Saramago, the Iberian peninsula breaks off from Europe and floats westward out into the Atlantic.
Portugal insists that it has no intention of leaving Europe, let alone reinstating the escudo. “That will never happen,” says Monteiro, the former diplomat. “We are in Europe and will stay there.”
MAS É UM SOBADO CHEIO DE DIREITOS HUMANOS E GARANTIAS PARA ACOLHIDOS.AGORA É A VEZ DOS INDÍGENAS PAGAREM COM LINGUA DE PALMO...
O MUNDO MARAVILHOSO DA AMNISTIA INTERNACIONAL
The conscience stifled by Amnesty
When Gita Sahgal questioned the human rights group’s links to Islamic radicals, it suspended her. Now she fears for her safetyMargarette Driscoll
(Justin Griffiths-Williams)
Sahgal argues that Amnesty should not be associated with Cageprisoners, which appears to give succour to militants who believe in global jihad
Amnesty International has made its name as a champion of free speech, campaigning on behalf of prisoners who have spoken out against oppressive regimes around the world. But when it comes to speaking up about the organisation itself ... well, that seems to be a different story.
Last week Gita Sahgal, a highly respected lifelong human rights activist and head of Amnesty’s gender unit, told The Sunday Times of her concerns about Amnesty’s relationship with Cageprisoners, an organisation headed by Moazzam Begg, a former Guantanamo internee.
Since his release in 2005, Begg has spoken alongside Amnesty at a number of events and accompanied the organisation to a meeting at Downing Street last month. Sahgal felt the closeness of the relationship between Amnesty and Cageprisoners — which appears to give succour to those who believe in global jihad — was a threat to Amnesty’s integrity. “To be appearing on platforms with Britain’s most famous supporter of the Taliban, whom we treat as a human rights defender, is a gross error of judgment,” she wrote to Amnesty’s leaders following the Downing Street visit.
Feeling her concerns were not being addressed, she decided to go public. Hours after our story appeared she was suspended. Sahgal’s phone started ringing off the hook with news organisations seeking interviews. The story also lit up the blogosphere, partly because of Amnesty’s importance — it has some 2.8m members and a raft of glamorous supporters — but also because what Sahgal was talking about touched that raw nerve, the naivety of white middle-class liberals in dealing with Islamic radicals.
Related Links
Second Amnesty chief attacks Islamist links
To say the past week has been a difficult one for Sahgal would be an understatement. She fears for her own and her family’s safety. She has — temporarily at least — lost her job and found it almost impossible to find anyone to represent her in any potential employment case. She rang round the human rights lawyers she knows, all of whom have declined to help citing a conflict of interest. “Although it is said that we must defend everybody no matter what they’ve done, it appears that if you’re a secular, atheist, Asian British woman, you don’t deserve a defence from our civil right firms,” she says wryly.
So no one in the human rights world wants to cross swords with Amnesty: that’s no surprise and least of all to Sahgal. “I know the nature of what I’m up against,” she says. “I didn’t do what I did lightly.”
She is feisty, unrepentant and by no means without support: we meet, for instance, in an office lent to her by a family friend of Peter Benenson, the lawyer who founded Amnesty in 1961. She has had many private messages from former colleagues. “People are shocked,” she says. “There is a lot of disquiet in the organisation and that’s been quite heartening.”
Amnesty and Begg have taken issue with what Sahgal, 53, has to say. Claudio Cordone, Amnesty’s interim secretarygeneral, wrote to The Sunday Times to say it was “preposterous” to accuse Amnesty of being linked in any way to the Taliban. “Amnesty International works with Moazzam Begg as a former detainee of Guantanamo Bay and as a victim of the human rights violations suffered there . . .” he said. “Moazzam Begg has never been tried or convicted of any terrorism-related offences and has publicly rebutted accusations against him in this respect.”
Cordone objected to people like Begg being subjected to “trial by media”, but part of Sahgal’s point is that human rights organisations have to be super-scrupulous not only in the people they choose to support, but also about the company those people keep — and any decisions they make must stand up to public scrutiny.
The treatment of Guantanamo detainees keeps making headlines, the latest last week when the government was forced to publish evidence showing MI5 knew that Binyam Mohamed was being tortured at the United States’s behest. “Amnesty underscores the importance of Binyam Mohamed’s case and of course that’s right,” says Sahgal. “Moazzam Begg has ongoing cases and I hope he wins them. But that’s not the issue.”
Given the sensitivities involved it seems reasonable to ask where Begg’s sympathies lie. In his autobiography he describes becoming interested in Islamic politics in his twenties and he later ran a bookshop that stocked Islamist writing. He travelled to Bosnia and Afghanistan and admits giving money to Muslim combatants, but denies being involved in any fighting.
In 2001 he took his wife and young children to live in Afghanistan in order, he says, to fulfil a dream of being a teacher. He helped to establish a school with sections for boys and girls and installed water pumps. When the allied attack on Afghanistan started later that year, the family fled to Pakistan where Begg, now 42, was picked up. His family have always insisted it was a case of mistaken identity.
In his book he says the Taliban were better than anything Afghanistan had had in the past 25 years. “I was talking about something I believed at the time,” he says now. “That’s what I understood from my knowledge of the country, that there had been no law and order, there had been warlords that had taken over the country, children used as sex slaves, drug production was very high and the Taliban put a stop to all this. That was the reality on the ground. It was the best of the worst.”
He believes it is right to be talking to the Taliban now. “Because the Taliban are Afghans and we are not,” he says. “The British are not Afghans and neither are the Americans. And as much as you might not like what they stand for, they have more right in that land than anyone else.
“Ultimately, what we’re doing now as part of our foreign policy is we’re talking to the Taliban, we are engaging with the Taliban, the people we’ve been demonising for the past nine years, and that is precisely what we did in Northern Ireland.
“I’ve never said we should give the Taliban money — that is what the government is doing. But we need to be engaging with people who we find most unpalatable. So the dialogue with the Taliban is something I not only welcome but something I have been saying for a long, long time.”
As for human rights abuses committed by the Taliban, Begg says he has seen and written about them himself: “I’ve seen them because I lived there. But I’ve seen Americans commit more human rights abuses, I can promise you. But I haven’t said we shouldn’t talk to the Americans.”
He counters Sahgal’s view by saying she is, in her own way, a fundamentalist: “She advocates the government shouldn’t even be engaging with the Muslim Council of Britain. It’s not a normal position.” And he rejects her description of him as Britain’s most famous supporter of the Taliban: “That is a ridiculous thing to say. I have toured the country with former US soldiers several times ... that doesn’t seem to be a very Taliban Al-Qaeda thing to do, does it?”
Indeed it does not. But when Asim Qureshi, one of Begg’s senior colleagues at Cageprisoners, appeared on a radio programme with Sahgal last week and was reminded of a speech he had given at a rally organised by Hizb ut-Tahrir, an Islamist political party, in which Qureshi supported “jihad” against oppression of Muslims, he did not distance himself from the sentiments. Cageprisoners not only campaigns on behalf of those detained without trial, but also for Islamic radicals who have been through the due process of the British courts, such as Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada. Sahgal believes the organisation has an agenda “way beyond being a prisoners’ rights organisation”.
The bigger picture is how human rights organisations — and society more widely — should view Islamic radicals. There has been much debate over whether, spurred by a sentimental knee-jerk anti-Americanism, white liberals have sympathised with Islamic radicals, thereby implicitly tolerating their intolerance, particularly towards women. “For me that’s a form of racism,” says Sahgal, “because what it does is wipe out the experiences of the people they oppress. And it’s not helped by a discourse about a ‘clash of civilisations’, which elides jihadi ideologies and treats them as normal Muslim thinking. That’s devastating for ordinary Muslims.”
If the men incarcerated in Guantanamo were white fascists, she says, “I hope we would defend them. We would have to defend them — but we wouldn’t necessarily put them on 50 or 100 platforms after that”. The problem, she believes, is that human rights organisations want to believe they represent “perfect victims”.
“But a victim can also be a perpetrator,” she says. “It’s a very simple thought.”
This is something that has troubled her for many years. Some years ago, before she joined Amnesty’s staff, she was asked by the organisation to speak alongside a man whose son had been arrested during an insurgency in northern India: “His son had disappeared and he’d gone from police station to police station looking for him. It was a very moving story and it was hard not to cry. He was coming to thank Amnesty for the postcards they’d written and the letters they’d sent to the government. He felt his son owed his life to that, and that, of course, is the power of our work.
“The problem was that he was surrounded by men who were clearly Sikh political activists, allied to the group which assassinated Indira Gandhi. A perfectly well-meaning person had invited me to speak on a platform beside a perfectly genuine victim but hadn’t paid any attention to who accompanied him.”
Now, for flagging up this sort of error, Sahgal finds herself out in the cold. She says she needs to keep talking about this issue because she feels it won’t solve itself. She’ll be watching with interest to see if there is a cooling of relations between Amnesty and Cageprisoners. “The signs are that there won’t be,” she says. “The signs are that the cool relationship is with me.”
OS INTERNACIONALISTAS CASEIROS ENGOLEM QUALQUER PATRANHA DESDE QUE SEJA IMPORTADA.ESCRAVIZAR OS SEUS CONCIDADÃOS É O QUE LHES DÁ MAIS GOZO...
Second Amnesty chief attacks Islamist linksRichard Kerbaj
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Sam Zarifi
A senior executive at Amnesty International has urged the charity to admit it made a “mistake” by failing publicly to oppose the views of a former terror suspect.
Sam Zarifi, Amnesty’s Asia Pacific director, backed Gita Sahgal, an official who was suspended after revealing her concerns about Amnesty’s links to the former Guantanamo detainee, Moazzam Begg, a British citizen.
In an internal memo leaked to The Sunday Times, Zarifi, who oversees Amnesty’s work in Pakistan and Afghanistan, claimed the charity’s campaigns blurred the line between giving support for a detainee’s human rights and endorsing extremist views.
“We should be clear that some of Amnesty’s campaigning ... did not always sufficiently distinguish between the rights of detainees to be free from torture and arbitrary detention, and the validity of their views,” says Zarifi in the email, sent to his staff and dated February 10. Zarifi advised Amnesty to consider its working relationships with activists more carefully.
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He said: “We did not always clarify that while we champion the rights of all — including terrorism suspects, and more important, victims of terrorism — we do not champion their views.”
Amnesty’s decision to suspend Sahgal, the head of its gender unit, while continuing its support for Begg, 42, of Birmingham, has provoked criticism.
Zarifi said Amnesty should have done more to respond to public concerns about its relationship with Begg and Cageprisoners, a pressure group that highlights the plight of Muslim detainees, including Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks.
He wrote: “The organisation had taken steps to clarify that it did not in any way support all, or even many, of Moazzam Begg’s views. Obviously we did not do enough to establish this in the public sphere. We can and should publicly admit this mistake and move on and ensure we do not make the same mistake again.”
Amnesty officials called for the closure of Guantanamo Bay at a meeting in Downing Street last month.
Begg, who was held there for three years until 2005, has embarked on a European tour, hosted by Amnesty, urging countries to offer a safe haven to Guantanamo detainees.
Begg took his family to live in Afghanistan under Taliban rule but admits they were responsible for abuses.
Amnesty was founded in 1961 to give support to prisoners of conscience.
A ANA GOMES ESTARÁ CONTRA CLARO...A CIA É QUE É O PERIGO...
When Gita Sahgal questioned the human rights group’s links to Islamic radicals, it suspended her. Now she fears for her safetyMargarette Driscoll
(Justin Griffiths-Williams)
Sahgal argues that Amnesty should not be associated with Cageprisoners, which appears to give succour to militants who believe in global jihad
Amnesty International has made its name as a champion of free speech, campaigning on behalf of prisoners who have spoken out against oppressive regimes around the world. But when it comes to speaking up about the organisation itself ... well, that seems to be a different story.
Last week Gita Sahgal, a highly respected lifelong human rights activist and head of Amnesty’s gender unit, told The Sunday Times of her concerns about Amnesty’s relationship with Cageprisoners, an organisation headed by Moazzam Begg, a former Guantanamo internee.
Since his release in 2005, Begg has spoken alongside Amnesty at a number of events and accompanied the organisation to a meeting at Downing Street last month. Sahgal felt the closeness of the relationship between Amnesty and Cageprisoners — which appears to give succour to those who believe in global jihad — was a threat to Amnesty’s integrity. “To be appearing on platforms with Britain’s most famous supporter of the Taliban, whom we treat as a human rights defender, is a gross error of judgment,” she wrote to Amnesty’s leaders following the Downing Street visit.
Feeling her concerns were not being addressed, she decided to go public. Hours after our story appeared she was suspended. Sahgal’s phone started ringing off the hook with news organisations seeking interviews. The story also lit up the blogosphere, partly because of Amnesty’s importance — it has some 2.8m members and a raft of glamorous supporters — but also because what Sahgal was talking about touched that raw nerve, the naivety of white middle-class liberals in dealing with Islamic radicals.
Related Links
Second Amnesty chief attacks Islamist links
To say the past week has been a difficult one for Sahgal would be an understatement. She fears for her own and her family’s safety. She has — temporarily at least — lost her job and found it almost impossible to find anyone to represent her in any potential employment case. She rang round the human rights lawyers she knows, all of whom have declined to help citing a conflict of interest. “Although it is said that we must defend everybody no matter what they’ve done, it appears that if you’re a secular, atheist, Asian British woman, you don’t deserve a defence from our civil right firms,” she says wryly.
So no one in the human rights world wants to cross swords with Amnesty: that’s no surprise and least of all to Sahgal. “I know the nature of what I’m up against,” she says. “I didn’t do what I did lightly.”
She is feisty, unrepentant and by no means without support: we meet, for instance, in an office lent to her by a family friend of Peter Benenson, the lawyer who founded Amnesty in 1961. She has had many private messages from former colleagues. “People are shocked,” she says. “There is a lot of disquiet in the organisation and that’s been quite heartening.”
Amnesty and Begg have taken issue with what Sahgal, 53, has to say. Claudio Cordone, Amnesty’s interim secretarygeneral, wrote to The Sunday Times to say it was “preposterous” to accuse Amnesty of being linked in any way to the Taliban. “Amnesty International works with Moazzam Begg as a former detainee of Guantanamo Bay and as a victim of the human rights violations suffered there . . .” he said. “Moazzam Begg has never been tried or convicted of any terrorism-related offences and has publicly rebutted accusations against him in this respect.”
Cordone objected to people like Begg being subjected to “trial by media”, but part of Sahgal’s point is that human rights organisations have to be super-scrupulous not only in the people they choose to support, but also about the company those people keep — and any decisions they make must stand up to public scrutiny.
The treatment of Guantanamo detainees keeps making headlines, the latest last week when the government was forced to publish evidence showing MI5 knew that Binyam Mohamed was being tortured at the United States’s behest. “Amnesty underscores the importance of Binyam Mohamed’s case and of course that’s right,” says Sahgal. “Moazzam Begg has ongoing cases and I hope he wins them. But that’s not the issue.”
Given the sensitivities involved it seems reasonable to ask where Begg’s sympathies lie. In his autobiography he describes becoming interested in Islamic politics in his twenties and he later ran a bookshop that stocked Islamist writing. He travelled to Bosnia and Afghanistan and admits giving money to Muslim combatants, but denies being involved in any fighting.
In 2001 he took his wife and young children to live in Afghanistan in order, he says, to fulfil a dream of being a teacher. He helped to establish a school with sections for boys and girls and installed water pumps. When the allied attack on Afghanistan started later that year, the family fled to Pakistan where Begg, now 42, was picked up. His family have always insisted it was a case of mistaken identity.
In his book he says the Taliban were better than anything Afghanistan had had in the past 25 years. “I was talking about something I believed at the time,” he says now. “That’s what I understood from my knowledge of the country, that there had been no law and order, there had been warlords that had taken over the country, children used as sex slaves, drug production was very high and the Taliban put a stop to all this. That was the reality on the ground. It was the best of the worst.”
He believes it is right to be talking to the Taliban now. “Because the Taliban are Afghans and we are not,” he says. “The British are not Afghans and neither are the Americans. And as much as you might not like what they stand for, they have more right in that land than anyone else.
“Ultimately, what we’re doing now as part of our foreign policy is we’re talking to the Taliban, we are engaging with the Taliban, the people we’ve been demonising for the past nine years, and that is precisely what we did in Northern Ireland.
“I’ve never said we should give the Taliban money — that is what the government is doing. But we need to be engaging with people who we find most unpalatable. So the dialogue with the Taliban is something I not only welcome but something I have been saying for a long, long time.”
As for human rights abuses committed by the Taliban, Begg says he has seen and written about them himself: “I’ve seen them because I lived there. But I’ve seen Americans commit more human rights abuses, I can promise you. But I haven’t said we shouldn’t talk to the Americans.”
He counters Sahgal’s view by saying she is, in her own way, a fundamentalist: “She advocates the government shouldn’t even be engaging with the Muslim Council of Britain. It’s not a normal position.” And he rejects her description of him as Britain’s most famous supporter of the Taliban: “That is a ridiculous thing to say. I have toured the country with former US soldiers several times ... that doesn’t seem to be a very Taliban Al-Qaeda thing to do, does it?”
Indeed it does not. But when Asim Qureshi, one of Begg’s senior colleagues at Cageprisoners, appeared on a radio programme with Sahgal last week and was reminded of a speech he had given at a rally organised by Hizb ut-Tahrir, an Islamist political party, in which Qureshi supported “jihad” against oppression of Muslims, he did not distance himself from the sentiments. Cageprisoners not only campaigns on behalf of those detained without trial, but also for Islamic radicals who have been through the due process of the British courts, such as Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada. Sahgal believes the organisation has an agenda “way beyond being a prisoners’ rights organisation”.
The bigger picture is how human rights organisations — and society more widely — should view Islamic radicals. There has been much debate over whether, spurred by a sentimental knee-jerk anti-Americanism, white liberals have sympathised with Islamic radicals, thereby implicitly tolerating their intolerance, particularly towards women. “For me that’s a form of racism,” says Sahgal, “because what it does is wipe out the experiences of the people they oppress. And it’s not helped by a discourse about a ‘clash of civilisations’, which elides jihadi ideologies and treats them as normal Muslim thinking. That’s devastating for ordinary Muslims.”
If the men incarcerated in Guantanamo were white fascists, she says, “I hope we would defend them. We would have to defend them — but we wouldn’t necessarily put them on 50 or 100 platforms after that”. The problem, she believes, is that human rights organisations want to believe they represent “perfect victims”.
“But a victim can also be a perpetrator,” she says. “It’s a very simple thought.”
This is something that has troubled her for many years. Some years ago, before she joined Amnesty’s staff, she was asked by the organisation to speak alongside a man whose son had been arrested during an insurgency in northern India: “His son had disappeared and he’d gone from police station to police station looking for him. It was a very moving story and it was hard not to cry. He was coming to thank Amnesty for the postcards they’d written and the letters they’d sent to the government. He felt his son owed his life to that, and that, of course, is the power of our work.
“The problem was that he was surrounded by men who were clearly Sikh political activists, allied to the group which assassinated Indira Gandhi. A perfectly well-meaning person had invited me to speak on a platform beside a perfectly genuine victim but hadn’t paid any attention to who accompanied him.”
Now, for flagging up this sort of error, Sahgal finds herself out in the cold. She says she needs to keep talking about this issue because she feels it won’t solve itself. She’ll be watching with interest to see if there is a cooling of relations between Amnesty and Cageprisoners. “The signs are that there won’t be,” she says. “The signs are that the cool relationship is with me.”
OS INTERNACIONALISTAS CASEIROS ENGOLEM QUALQUER PATRANHA DESDE QUE SEJA IMPORTADA.ESCRAVIZAR OS SEUS CONCIDADÃOS É O QUE LHES DÁ MAIS GOZO...
Second Amnesty chief attacks Islamist linksRichard Kerbaj
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Sam Zarifi
A senior executive at Amnesty International has urged the charity to admit it made a “mistake” by failing publicly to oppose the views of a former terror suspect.
Sam Zarifi, Amnesty’s Asia Pacific director, backed Gita Sahgal, an official who was suspended after revealing her concerns about Amnesty’s links to the former Guantanamo detainee, Moazzam Begg, a British citizen.
In an internal memo leaked to The Sunday Times, Zarifi, who oversees Amnesty’s work in Pakistan and Afghanistan, claimed the charity’s campaigns blurred the line between giving support for a detainee’s human rights and endorsing extremist views.
“We should be clear that some of Amnesty’s campaigning ... did not always sufficiently distinguish between the rights of detainees to be free from torture and arbitrary detention, and the validity of their views,” says Zarifi in the email, sent to his staff and dated February 10. Zarifi advised Amnesty to consider its working relationships with activists more carefully.
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How Amnesty chose the wrong poster-boy
Amnesty is ‘damaged’ by Taliban link
He said: “We did not always clarify that while we champion the rights of all — including terrorism suspects, and more important, victims of terrorism — we do not champion their views.”
Amnesty’s decision to suspend Sahgal, the head of its gender unit, while continuing its support for Begg, 42, of Birmingham, has provoked criticism.
Zarifi said Amnesty should have done more to respond to public concerns about its relationship with Begg and Cageprisoners, a pressure group that highlights the plight of Muslim detainees, including Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks.
He wrote: “The organisation had taken steps to clarify that it did not in any way support all, or even many, of Moazzam Begg’s views. Obviously we did not do enough to establish this in the public sphere. We can and should publicly admit this mistake and move on and ensure we do not make the same mistake again.”
Amnesty officials called for the closure of Guantanamo Bay at a meeting in Downing Street last month.
Begg, who was held there for three years until 2005, has embarked on a European tour, hosted by Amnesty, urging countries to offer a safe haven to Guantanamo detainees.
Begg took his family to live in Afghanistan under Taliban rule but admits they were responsible for abuses.
Amnesty was founded in 1961 to give support to prisoners of conscience.
A ANA GOMES ESTARÁ CONTRA CLARO...A CIA É QUE É O PERIGO...
Saturday, February 13, 2010
POR CÁ OS INTERNACIONALISTAS VÃO RECEBENDO AS SOBRAS ALHEIAS...
El Gobierno de Sarkozy detendrá en "zonas de espera" a los extranjeros indocumentados
Francia implantará expulsiones exprés para los inmigrantes 'sin papeles'
ANTONIO JIMÉNEZ BARCA - París - 12/02/2010
El Gobierno de Nicolas Sarkozy está determinado a recortar los derechos de los 300.000 inmigrantes irregulares que hay en Francia y a acelerar los procesos de repatriación. El ministro de Inmigración e Identidad Nacional, Eric Besson, presentará al Consejo de Ministros, a lo largo de marzo, un anteproyecto de ley que prevé, entre otras medidas, la posibilidad de que existan, donde la autoridad lo requiera, "zonas de espera" como las que hay en las fronteras de los aeropuertos, esto es, lugares especiales donde la policía puede retener a los inmigrantes sin papeles mientras se decide qué hacer con ellos. El Gobierno francés considera que ésta es la manera de luchar contra "grandes e inesperadas afluencias de inmigrantes" a su territorio.
Un contrato para ser francés
En Francia, un inmigrante sin papeles al que la Administración le ha remitido una orden de expulsión cuenta con un mes para elaborar un recurso que impida su devolución al país de origen; cuando este anteproyecto de Besson entre en vigor, ese plazo se verá reducido a sólo 48 horas. Además, el Gobierno francés prevé prohibir el retorno a Francia por un plazo de tres años a los inmigrantes irregulares que sean encontrados en territorio galo. Este plazo podrá elevarse dos años más si el inmigrante expulsado no cumple la prohibición o se niega a irse.
Las iniciativas contenidas en el anteproyecto de ley, revelado hoy por el periódico Le Monde, ya han desatado las primeras críticas. "Este proyecto hace que los extranjeros se conviertan en una excepción en materia de derechos", aseguró en el citado diario, Stéphane Maugendre, presidente del Grupo de Apoyo e Información a los Inmigrantes.
El mismo Besson, en una pequeña entrevista publicada hoy en el periódico Le Figaro explicaba la razón de ser y el porqué de esta nueva "zona de espera". "Nuestra legislación actual no está preparada para la llegada masiva de inmigrantes a nuestras costas. No hay forma de encontrar lugares que respeten la ley en vigor donde se puedan retener a los inmigrantes cerca de los lugares en los que se les ha descubierto. Por eso presentaré en ese proyecto de ley esta "zona de espera especial", que se extenderá a lo largo del perímetro donde han sido hallados los extranjeros en situación irregular y permitirá mantenerlos bajo control de la administración durante el tiempo suficiente como para examinar su eventual demanda de asilo".
Es decir, esa zona "especial de espera" se creará "ad hoc" en el lugar exacto en el que han sido avistados los inmigrantes recién desembarcados y legitima su privación de libertad en el mismo lugar en el que se encuentran. El objetivo de Besson es evitar lo que ha ocurrido con 123 inmigrantes kurdos que arribaron el pasado 22 de enero en Córcega. "Había, entre esas 123 personas, 42 niños y 81 adultos. Ahora mismo, 48 han pedido asilo y han obtenido una autorización provisional de residencia. Pero los otros, sin haber pedido asilo, han seguido su camino (...) Algunos, se han marchado a otros países europeos", explica Besson. El ministro, en la misma entrevista, asegura que la Unión Europea, a instancias de Francia, se ha comprometido a reforzar su policía de fronteras de cara a vigilar mejor el flujo de inmigrantes irregulares.
Castigo a las empresas
El anteproyecto también prevé el cierre de hasta seis meses de empresas que empleen a trabajadores irregulares. Los delegados del Gobierno en las distintas provincias francesas también podrán excluir a estas empresas de las licitaciones de obras públicas. Asimismo, en el anteproyecto de ley de Besson se mejoran las indemnizaciones de los trabajadores irregulares cuando son localizados por la policía o los inspectores de trabajo: tendrán derecho a tres meses de sueldo entero que pagará la empresa que les ha empleado.
Estas últimas medidas ya habían sido anunciadas por el ministro de Inmigración hace meses, después de que miles de trabajadores irregulares se pusieran en huelga a las puertas de restaurantes o de cadenas de comida rápida donde les empleaban sin papeles. Aún muchos continúan con su protesta para denunciar su condición. Luc Beal-Rainaldy, inspector de trabajo y secretario nacional del sindicato FSU alertó en Le Monde sobre la poca efectividad de estas amenazas de cierres: "Se cerrarán pocas empresas. Además, después de un control, las pequeñas empresas suelen desaparecer, y para que cierren las grandes, será preciso demostrar que hay irregularidades muy graves".
Besson, uno de los ministros favoritos de Sarkozy, se había empleado a fondo hasta ahora en organizar y protagonizar el frustrado debate sobre la Identidad Nacional, semienterrado el lunes por el primer ministro, François Fillon. Todo apunta a que, desactivado el debate, volverá a su cruzada contra la inmigración irregular. El pasado otoño, previo anuncio en televisión, desmanteló los campamentos de inmigrantes sin papeles afganos instalados en Calais.
E OS INTERNACIONALISTAS OPERÁRIOS E CAMPONESES ALEGREMENTE SUJEITAM-SE ANO A ANO E HÁ UMA DÉCADA A IREM GANHANDO MENOS PARA OUTROS GANHAREM MAIS.É UMA FESTA ARRANJAREM GENES FRESCOS PARA AS SUAS FILHINHAS LÁ NO BAIRRO SOCIAL MULTICULTURAL...
OS AFRICANIZADORES DE TOPO OS TAIS CHEIOS DE AMIGOS ESTRATEGICAMENTE COLOCADOS QUE TRABALHAM NOITE E DIA PARA QUE ESSES PEQUENOS PORMENORES NEM NOS ATORMENTEM A EXISTÊNCIA.BASTA PAGARMOS IMPOSTOS QUE ELES TRATAM DE TUDO.ATÉ REBENTAREM COM TUDO...
E ATÉ NOS DEIXARAM APANHAR NO CU DE FORMA LEGAL PARA NOS IREM HABITUANDO AOS SEUS ENRRABANÇOS FISCAIS...
Francia implantará expulsiones exprés para los inmigrantes 'sin papeles'
ANTONIO JIMÉNEZ BARCA - París - 12/02/2010
El Gobierno de Nicolas Sarkozy está determinado a recortar los derechos de los 300.000 inmigrantes irregulares que hay en Francia y a acelerar los procesos de repatriación. El ministro de Inmigración e Identidad Nacional, Eric Besson, presentará al Consejo de Ministros, a lo largo de marzo, un anteproyecto de ley que prevé, entre otras medidas, la posibilidad de que existan, donde la autoridad lo requiera, "zonas de espera" como las que hay en las fronteras de los aeropuertos, esto es, lugares especiales donde la policía puede retener a los inmigrantes sin papeles mientras se decide qué hacer con ellos. El Gobierno francés considera que ésta es la manera de luchar contra "grandes e inesperadas afluencias de inmigrantes" a su territorio.
Un contrato para ser francés
En Francia, un inmigrante sin papeles al que la Administración le ha remitido una orden de expulsión cuenta con un mes para elaborar un recurso que impida su devolución al país de origen; cuando este anteproyecto de Besson entre en vigor, ese plazo se verá reducido a sólo 48 horas. Además, el Gobierno francés prevé prohibir el retorno a Francia por un plazo de tres años a los inmigrantes irregulares que sean encontrados en territorio galo. Este plazo podrá elevarse dos años más si el inmigrante expulsado no cumple la prohibición o se niega a irse.
Las iniciativas contenidas en el anteproyecto de ley, revelado hoy por el periódico Le Monde, ya han desatado las primeras críticas. "Este proyecto hace que los extranjeros se conviertan en una excepción en materia de derechos", aseguró en el citado diario, Stéphane Maugendre, presidente del Grupo de Apoyo e Información a los Inmigrantes.
El mismo Besson, en una pequeña entrevista publicada hoy en el periódico Le Figaro explicaba la razón de ser y el porqué de esta nueva "zona de espera". "Nuestra legislación actual no está preparada para la llegada masiva de inmigrantes a nuestras costas. No hay forma de encontrar lugares que respeten la ley en vigor donde se puedan retener a los inmigrantes cerca de los lugares en los que se les ha descubierto. Por eso presentaré en ese proyecto de ley esta "zona de espera especial", que se extenderá a lo largo del perímetro donde han sido hallados los extranjeros en situación irregular y permitirá mantenerlos bajo control de la administración durante el tiempo suficiente como para examinar su eventual demanda de asilo".
Es decir, esa zona "especial de espera" se creará "ad hoc" en el lugar exacto en el que han sido avistados los inmigrantes recién desembarcados y legitima su privación de libertad en el mismo lugar en el que se encuentran. El objetivo de Besson es evitar lo que ha ocurrido con 123 inmigrantes kurdos que arribaron el pasado 22 de enero en Córcega. "Había, entre esas 123 personas, 42 niños y 81 adultos. Ahora mismo, 48 han pedido asilo y han obtenido una autorización provisional de residencia. Pero los otros, sin haber pedido asilo, han seguido su camino (...) Algunos, se han marchado a otros países europeos", explica Besson. El ministro, en la misma entrevista, asegura que la Unión Europea, a instancias de Francia, se ha comprometido a reforzar su policía de fronteras de cara a vigilar mejor el flujo de inmigrantes irregulares.
Castigo a las empresas
El anteproyecto también prevé el cierre de hasta seis meses de empresas que empleen a trabajadores irregulares. Los delegados del Gobierno en las distintas provincias francesas también podrán excluir a estas empresas de las licitaciones de obras públicas. Asimismo, en el anteproyecto de ley de Besson se mejoran las indemnizaciones de los trabajadores irregulares cuando son localizados por la policía o los inspectores de trabajo: tendrán derecho a tres meses de sueldo entero que pagará la empresa que les ha empleado.
Estas últimas medidas ya habían sido anunciadas por el ministro de Inmigración hace meses, después de que miles de trabajadores irregulares se pusieran en huelga a las puertas de restaurantes o de cadenas de comida rápida donde les empleaban sin papeles. Aún muchos continúan con su protesta para denunciar su condición. Luc Beal-Rainaldy, inspector de trabajo y secretario nacional del sindicato FSU alertó en Le Monde sobre la poca efectividad de estas amenazas de cierres: "Se cerrarán pocas empresas. Además, después de un control, las pequeñas empresas suelen desaparecer, y para que cierren las grandes, será preciso demostrar que hay irregularidades muy graves".
Besson, uno de los ministros favoritos de Sarkozy, se había empleado a fondo hasta ahora en organizar y protagonizar el frustrado debate sobre la Identidad Nacional, semienterrado el lunes por el primer ministro, François Fillon. Todo apunta a que, desactivado el debate, volverá a su cruzada contra la inmigración irregular. El pasado otoño, previo anuncio en televisión, desmanteló los campamentos de inmigrantes sin papeles afganos instalados en Calais.
E OS INTERNACIONALISTAS OPERÁRIOS E CAMPONESES ALEGREMENTE SUJEITAM-SE ANO A ANO E HÁ UMA DÉCADA A IREM GANHANDO MENOS PARA OUTROS GANHAREM MAIS.É UMA FESTA ARRANJAREM GENES FRESCOS PARA AS SUAS FILHINHAS LÁ NO BAIRRO SOCIAL MULTICULTURAL...
OS AFRICANIZADORES DE TOPO OS TAIS CHEIOS DE AMIGOS ESTRATEGICAMENTE COLOCADOS QUE TRABALHAM NOITE E DIA PARA QUE ESSES PEQUENOS PORMENORES NEM NOS ATORMENTEM A EXISTÊNCIA.BASTA PAGARMOS IMPOSTOS QUE ELES TRATAM DE TUDO.ATÉ REBENTAREM COM TUDO...
E ATÉ NOS DEIXARAM APANHAR NO CU DE FORMA LEGAL PARA NOS IREM HABITUANDO AOS SEUS ENRRABANÇOS FISCAIS...
Friday, February 12, 2010
COM OS PORTUGUESES AFRICANIZADOS OS SEUS ELEITOS NÃO SE TRATAM MAL
11 Fevereiro 2010 - 00h30
Regalias
Santana e Alegre pedem pensão vitalícia
Santana Lopes e Manuel Alegre recebem duas pensões do Estado
No momento em que Portugal enfrenta uma das maiores crises financeiras dos últimos 30 anos, um total de 68 ex-deputados pediram à Assembleia da República a atribuição da subvenção vitalícia e do subsídio de reintegração. Entre os 18 novos pedidos de pensão para toda a vida, destacam-se, segundo os dados fornecidos pelo Parlamento, Manuel Alegre, provável candidato às próximas eleições presidenciais, e Pedro Santana Lopes, ex-primeiro--ministro e ex-líder do PSD. Já Isabel Pires de Lima, ex-ministra da Cultura, e Paes Antunes, ex-secretário de Estado do Trabalho, integram grupo de 50 ex-deputados que solicitaram subsídio de integração.
Ao pedirem a subvenção vitalícia, Manuel Alegre e Pedro Santana Lopes passam a receber duas pensões do Estado. À reforma de 3219 euros como aposentado da RDP que recebe desde Julho de 2006, e para a qual contaram os descontos efectuados como deputado, Manuel Alegre junta agora uma subvenção vitalícia de valor superior a dois mil euros por mês.
Ontem, quando foi confrontado pelo CM com o pedido da subvenção vitalícia apresentado no Parlamento, Manuel Alegre não resistiu a recordar o processo que interpôs ao CM por causa da sua pensão da RDP: 'Olhe que vocês já tiveram um processo por causa disso, veja lá o que vai escrever...'
Depois, mais dialogante, o poeta ex-deputado foi categórico: 'Eu recebo aquilo a que tenho direito.' E precisou: 'Recebo a pensão como funcionário da RDP e recebo a subvenção vitalícia, que é aquilo a que qualquer deputado tem direito.'
E Manuel Alegre concretizou: 'Tudo somado, agora recebo menos 500 euros do que recebia quando tinha um terço da pensão [como prevê a lei quando o pensionista exerce cargos públicos] e mais o salário de deputado.' Em conjunto, as duas reformas ascenderão a quase cinco mil euros por mês.
Com 34 anos de deputado, Manuel Alegre faz questão de frisar: 'Eu podia ter acumulado duas pensões a partir dos 65 anos, e prescindi disso'. Alegre reformou-se da RDP com 70 anos.
Pedro Santana Lopes, com quem o CM não conseguiu falar apesar de várias tentativas, já recebe também uma pensão desde Outubro de 2005: aposentou-se como presidente de Câmara com 3178 euros, mas, enquanto foi deputado, recebeu um terço desse valor. Com mais de vinte anos de deputado e membro do Governo no curriculum, Santana Lopes deverá receber também uma subvenção vitalícia superior a dois mil euros por mês.
Manuel dos Santos, ex-eurodeputado do PS, acumula também duas pensões do Estado: à reforma como deputado de 3869 euros, obtida a partir de Outubro de 2009, acresce agora, segundo o Parlamento, o pedido de atribuição da subvenção vitalícia.
SAIBA MAIS
LEGISLAÇÃO
Criada em 1985, a subvenção vitalícia foi extinta em 2005. Até 2009, vigorou um regime transitório. Era atribuída aos políticos com 12 anos de funções.
8,8 milhões de euros é a despesa prevista com o pagamento das pensões vitalícias em 2010.
397 será, neste momento, o número de beneficiários das subvenções vitalícias.
GOVERNADORAS EM CAUSA
Sónia Sanfona e Isabel Santos, governadoras civis de Santarém e do Porto, são duas das ex-deputadas que solicitaram à Assembleia da República o subsídio de reintegração. As ex-deputadas pediram este apoio financeiro para a reintegração na vida civil após terem cessado funções de deputadas, em meados de Outubro, mas depois foram nomeadas governadoras civis, cujo cargo assumiram no final de Novembro.
Isabel Santos confirmou ontem ao CM que pediu o subsídio de reintegração após ter cessado funções como deputada, mas deixou claro que, dado ter tomado entretanto posse como governadora civil, já tomou a iniciativa de saber que verba deve devolver à Assembleia da República, como prevê a lei. 'Na semana passada, apercebi-me de que já me tinha sido depositada a verba e escrevi, de imediato, uma carta ao presidente da Assembleia da República, para que fosse indicado o valor que devo devolver', que será na ordem de 1500 euros.
O CM tentou falar com Sónia Sanfona, mas tal não foi possível até ao fecho desta edição.
GRAÇA MOURA COM SUBVENÇÃO
A lista de 18 ex-deputados que pediram a subvenção vitalícia inclui personalidades famosas na sociedade portuguesa: Vasco Graça Moura, ex--eurodeputado do PSD, Luís Queiró, antigo eurodeputado do CDS-PP, e Alberto Arons de Carvalho, ex-secretário de Estado da Comunicação Social do Governo de António Guterres, e Luísa Mesquita, ex--PCP, são alguns.
Graça Moura é também poeta.
LISTA DE POLÍTICOS QUE APRESENTARAM PEDIDOS NO PARLAMENTO
DEPUTADOS QUE PEDIRAM SUBVENÇÃO MENSAL VITALÍCIA
Manuel António Santos PS
Vasco Graça Moura PSD
Luís Queiró CDS-PP
Joel Hasse Ferreira PS
Mário Albuquerque PSD
Rui Cunha PS
Luísa Mesquita ex-PCP
Manuel Alegre PS
Maria Carrilho PS
Paula Cristina Duarte PS
Miguel Relvas PSD
Alberto Arons Carvalho PS
José Augusto Carvalho PS
Rui Vieira PS
José Lamego PS
Leonor Coutinho PS
Pedro Santana Lopes PSD
Renato Leal PS
DEPUTADOS QUE PEDIRAM SUBSÍDIO DE REINTEGRAÇÃO
Aldemira Pinho PS
Ana Couto PS
Armando França Alves PS
Carlos Lopes PS
Cláudia Vieira PS
Elísio Costa Amorim PS
João Bernardo PS
Ventura Leite PS
Jorge Varanda PSD
Jorge Almeida PS
José Freire Antunes PSD
José Raul dos Santos PSD
Jovita Ladeira PS
Luís Carloto Marques MPT
Luís Pais Antunes PSD
Fátima Pimenta PS
Helena Terra PS
Isabel Santos PS
Matilde Sousa Franco PS
Teresa Portugal PS
Teresa Moraes Sarmento PS
Miguel Queiroz PSD
Nuno Câmara Pereira PPM
Nuno Antão PS
Paula Deus PS
Pedro Nuno Santos PS
Pedro Quartin Graça MPT
Ricardo Martins PSD
Sónia Sanfona PS
Vítor Pereira PS
Ana Manso PSD
Ribeiro Cristóvão PSD
Carlos Pereira PSD
Carlos Andrade Miranda PSD
Fernando Antunes PSD
Fernando Cabral PS
Feliciano Barreiras Duarte PSD
Henrique Freitas PSD
Isabel Vigia PS
Isabel Jorge PS
Isménia Franco PSD
Virgílio Costa PSD
Jorge Neto PSD
José Manuel Ribeiro PSD
José Pereira da Costa PSD
Irene Veloso PS
Isabel Pires de Lima PS
Maria Ofélia Moleiro PSD
Mário Patinha Antão PSD
Maximiano Martins PS
Regalias
Santana e Alegre pedem pensão vitalícia
Santana Lopes e Manuel Alegre recebem duas pensões do Estado
No momento em que Portugal enfrenta uma das maiores crises financeiras dos últimos 30 anos, um total de 68 ex-deputados pediram à Assembleia da República a atribuição da subvenção vitalícia e do subsídio de reintegração. Entre os 18 novos pedidos de pensão para toda a vida, destacam-se, segundo os dados fornecidos pelo Parlamento, Manuel Alegre, provável candidato às próximas eleições presidenciais, e Pedro Santana Lopes, ex-primeiro--ministro e ex-líder do PSD. Já Isabel Pires de Lima, ex-ministra da Cultura, e Paes Antunes, ex-secretário de Estado do Trabalho, integram grupo de 50 ex-deputados que solicitaram subsídio de integração.
Ao pedirem a subvenção vitalícia, Manuel Alegre e Pedro Santana Lopes passam a receber duas pensões do Estado. À reforma de 3219 euros como aposentado da RDP que recebe desde Julho de 2006, e para a qual contaram os descontos efectuados como deputado, Manuel Alegre junta agora uma subvenção vitalícia de valor superior a dois mil euros por mês.
Ontem, quando foi confrontado pelo CM com o pedido da subvenção vitalícia apresentado no Parlamento, Manuel Alegre não resistiu a recordar o processo que interpôs ao CM por causa da sua pensão da RDP: 'Olhe que vocês já tiveram um processo por causa disso, veja lá o que vai escrever...'
Depois, mais dialogante, o poeta ex-deputado foi categórico: 'Eu recebo aquilo a que tenho direito.' E precisou: 'Recebo a pensão como funcionário da RDP e recebo a subvenção vitalícia, que é aquilo a que qualquer deputado tem direito.'
E Manuel Alegre concretizou: 'Tudo somado, agora recebo menos 500 euros do que recebia quando tinha um terço da pensão [como prevê a lei quando o pensionista exerce cargos públicos] e mais o salário de deputado.' Em conjunto, as duas reformas ascenderão a quase cinco mil euros por mês.
Com 34 anos de deputado, Manuel Alegre faz questão de frisar: 'Eu podia ter acumulado duas pensões a partir dos 65 anos, e prescindi disso'. Alegre reformou-se da RDP com 70 anos.
Pedro Santana Lopes, com quem o CM não conseguiu falar apesar de várias tentativas, já recebe também uma pensão desde Outubro de 2005: aposentou-se como presidente de Câmara com 3178 euros, mas, enquanto foi deputado, recebeu um terço desse valor. Com mais de vinte anos de deputado e membro do Governo no curriculum, Santana Lopes deverá receber também uma subvenção vitalícia superior a dois mil euros por mês.
Manuel dos Santos, ex-eurodeputado do PS, acumula também duas pensões do Estado: à reforma como deputado de 3869 euros, obtida a partir de Outubro de 2009, acresce agora, segundo o Parlamento, o pedido de atribuição da subvenção vitalícia.
SAIBA MAIS
LEGISLAÇÃO
Criada em 1985, a subvenção vitalícia foi extinta em 2005. Até 2009, vigorou um regime transitório. Era atribuída aos políticos com 12 anos de funções.
8,8 milhões de euros é a despesa prevista com o pagamento das pensões vitalícias em 2010.
397 será, neste momento, o número de beneficiários das subvenções vitalícias.
GOVERNADORAS EM CAUSA
Sónia Sanfona e Isabel Santos, governadoras civis de Santarém e do Porto, são duas das ex-deputadas que solicitaram à Assembleia da República o subsídio de reintegração. As ex-deputadas pediram este apoio financeiro para a reintegração na vida civil após terem cessado funções de deputadas, em meados de Outubro, mas depois foram nomeadas governadoras civis, cujo cargo assumiram no final de Novembro.
Isabel Santos confirmou ontem ao CM que pediu o subsídio de reintegração após ter cessado funções como deputada, mas deixou claro que, dado ter tomado entretanto posse como governadora civil, já tomou a iniciativa de saber que verba deve devolver à Assembleia da República, como prevê a lei. 'Na semana passada, apercebi-me de que já me tinha sido depositada a verba e escrevi, de imediato, uma carta ao presidente da Assembleia da República, para que fosse indicado o valor que devo devolver', que será na ordem de 1500 euros.
O CM tentou falar com Sónia Sanfona, mas tal não foi possível até ao fecho desta edição.
GRAÇA MOURA COM SUBVENÇÃO
A lista de 18 ex-deputados que pediram a subvenção vitalícia inclui personalidades famosas na sociedade portuguesa: Vasco Graça Moura, ex--eurodeputado do PSD, Luís Queiró, antigo eurodeputado do CDS-PP, e Alberto Arons de Carvalho, ex-secretário de Estado da Comunicação Social do Governo de António Guterres, e Luísa Mesquita, ex--PCP, são alguns.
Graça Moura é também poeta.
LISTA DE POLÍTICOS QUE APRESENTARAM PEDIDOS NO PARLAMENTO
DEPUTADOS QUE PEDIRAM SUBVENÇÃO MENSAL VITALÍCIA
Manuel António Santos PS
Vasco Graça Moura PSD
Luís Queiró CDS-PP
Joel Hasse Ferreira PS
Mário Albuquerque PSD
Rui Cunha PS
Luísa Mesquita ex-PCP
Manuel Alegre PS
Maria Carrilho PS
Paula Cristina Duarte PS
Miguel Relvas PSD
Alberto Arons Carvalho PS
José Augusto Carvalho PS
Rui Vieira PS
José Lamego PS
Leonor Coutinho PS
Pedro Santana Lopes PSD
Renato Leal PS
DEPUTADOS QUE PEDIRAM SUBSÍDIO DE REINTEGRAÇÃO
Aldemira Pinho PS
Ana Couto PS
Armando França Alves PS
Carlos Lopes PS
Cláudia Vieira PS
Elísio Costa Amorim PS
João Bernardo PS
Ventura Leite PS
Jorge Varanda PSD
Jorge Almeida PS
José Freire Antunes PSD
José Raul dos Santos PSD
Jovita Ladeira PS
Luís Carloto Marques MPT
Luís Pais Antunes PSD
Fátima Pimenta PS
Helena Terra PS
Isabel Santos PS
Matilde Sousa Franco PS
Teresa Portugal PS
Teresa Moraes Sarmento PS
Miguel Queiroz PSD
Nuno Câmara Pereira PPM
Nuno Antão PS
Paula Deus PS
Pedro Nuno Santos PS
Pedro Quartin Graça MPT
Ricardo Martins PSD
Sónia Sanfona PS
Vítor Pereira PS
Ana Manso PSD
Ribeiro Cristóvão PSD
Carlos Pereira PSD
Carlos Andrade Miranda PSD
Fernando Antunes PSD
Fernando Cabral PS
Feliciano Barreiras Duarte PSD
Henrique Freitas PSD
Isabel Vigia PS
Isabel Jorge PS
Isménia Franco PSD
Virgílio Costa PSD
Jorge Neto PSD
José Manuel Ribeiro PSD
José Pereira da Costa PSD
Irene Veloso PS
Isabel Pires de Lima PS
Maria Ofélia Moleiro PSD
Mário Patinha Antão PSD
Maximiano Martins PS
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