D'ici 2050, un Britannique sur trois sera issu de l'immigration
Le think-tank Policy Exchange, proche des conservateurs, appelle dans un rapport publié ce mardi la classe politique britannique à prendre conscience de cette nouvelle donne démographique.
A RAPAZIADA DEMOCRATA DO TUDO E DO SEU CONTRÁRIO TANTO NOS DESCOLONIZA COMO DE SEGUIDA NOS COLONIZA...AH E A CULPA É SEMPRE "NOSSA"...
PERTENCE CERTAMENTE AO submundo da blogosfera DE ACORDO COM CIENTÍFICAS CLASSIFICAÇÕES DUNS GAJOS QUE VIVEM DOS MEUS IMPOSTOS E ANDAM A AFUNDAR PORTUGAL
Tuesday, May 6, 2014
DANO COLATERAL DE UM MINISTRO METER O NARIZ ONDE NÃO ERA CHAMADO E FAZER DAR O RABINHO AOS SEUS CIDADÃOS...
Disparition de Maddie : Scotland Yard va fouiller des terrains au Portugal
NOUVEAULes autorités portugaises ont accepté la demande de la police britannique de fouiller trois sites à proximité du complexe hôtelier situé dans le sud du pays où avait disparu la petite Madeleine McCann en 2007.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
McCann excavations begin
Madeleine McCann
Portuguese authorities give permission for sites to be searched in Praia da Luz after request from British detectives
E A PROCISSÃO AINDA VAI NO ADRO...
NOUVEAULes autorités portugaises ont accepté la demande de la police britannique de fouiller trois sites à proximité du complexe hôtelier situé dans le sud du pays où avait disparu la petite Madeleine McCann en 2007.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
McCann excavations begin
Madeleine McCann
Portuguese authorities give permission for sites to be searched in Praia da Luz after request from British detectives
E A PROCISSÃO AINDA VAI NO ADRO...
POR POUCO ESTE NÃO ERA DOS "NOSSOS" BRÂMANES...
“Razões económicas” calam Portugal sobre direitos humanos em África
Salil Shetty, secretário-geral da Amnistia Internacional, diz que os direitos humanos estão em retrocesso na Europa.
EM CASA DE FERREIRO, ESPETO DE PAU...ESTE INDIANO LÁ EM CASA TEM POUCA AUDIÊNCIA MAS TEM MUITOS INTERNACIONALISTAS QUE COMO ELE NOS QUER VER A PAGAR O TRIBUTO DA SALVAÇÃO DO PLANETA DEPOIS DE ENTREGAREM TUDO O QUE TINHA PRETO E NÃO ERA NOSSO...PORTANTO PORRADA EM CIMA DO BRANCO QUE ELE ATÉ GOSTA...QUER-SE DIZER UMA MAIORIA SOCIOLÓGICA MANTIDA À BASE DE MUITA PROPAGANDA E TRAIÇÃO...NUMA DE TUDO E DO SEU CONTRÁRIO...
Salil Shetty, secretário-geral da Amnistia Internacional, diz que os direitos humanos estão em retrocesso na Europa.
EM CASA DE FERREIRO, ESPETO DE PAU...ESTE INDIANO LÁ EM CASA TEM POUCA AUDIÊNCIA MAS TEM MUITOS INTERNACIONALISTAS QUE COMO ELE NOS QUER VER A PAGAR O TRIBUTO DA SALVAÇÃO DO PLANETA DEPOIS DE ENTREGAREM TUDO O QUE TINHA PRETO E NÃO ERA NOSSO...PORTANTO PORRADA EM CIMA DO BRANCO QUE ELE ATÉ GOSTA...QUER-SE DIZER UMA MAIORIA SOCIOLÓGICA MANTIDA À BASE DE MUITA PROPAGANDA E TRAIÇÃO...NUMA DE TUDO E DO SEU CONTRÁRIO...
AGORA IMAGINEM QUEM É QUE PODERIA ACEITAR "COMER" UM VELHO TAXISTA...
Lisboa Paixão gay mata taxista em Lisboa Virgílio Cabral tinha combinado saída com dois homens. Foi encontrado morto em casa com vários golpes no pescoço e nas costas.
LÁ POR CIMA É QUE PELOS VISTOS FALTAM SACA-ROLHAS , TESOURAS E NAVALHAS...
LÁ POR CIMA É QUE PELOS VISTOS FALTAM SACA-ROLHAS , TESOURAS E NAVALHAS...
TODO O CRIME COMETIDO EM NOME DO SOCIALISMO E DA REVOLUÇÃO É UM NÃO EVENTO...E CULPA DOS REACCIONÁRIOS CLARO
Luso-descendente presa e acusada de terrorismo na Venezuela
Uma luso-descendente de 23 anos encontra-se presa há 10 dias na Venezuela, acusada de terrorismo por se manifestar contra uma resolução do Ministério de Educação venezuelano.
> Confrontos junto de universidade venezuelana causam seis feridos
> Confrontos em Caracas em protesto contra detenção do líder da oposição
> Universitários da Venezuela pedem a Portugal "pronunciamento de solidariedade"
> Maduro faz ultimato a manifestantes em Caracas
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
HRW denuncia abusos contra los manifestantes venezolanos
JOAN FAUS Washington 178
La organización recoge 45 casos de graves violaciones de los derechos humanos cometidas por las fuerzas de seguridad
E AS MENTES HUMANISTAS INTERNACIONALISTAS CASEIRAS FECHAM DE BOM GRADO OS OLHOS E CENSURAM NO BOM SENTIDO NO QUE SÃO ACOMPANHADOS POR UMA LEGIÃO DE IDIOTAS ÚTEIS.MESMO QUE OS INTERESSES DOS SEUS CONCIDADÃOS ESTEJAM A SER VIOLADOS.MAS QUEM SE ADMIRA SE CALARAM E COLABORARAM NA MAIS VERGONHOSA CENA DA HISTÓRIA DE 900 ANOS DA NAÇÃO?A DA DESCOLONIZAÇÃO VIRTUOSA DO SALVE-SE QUEM PUDER...EM QUE AS "SOLIDARIEDADES" ERAM PARA QUEM OS ANDAVA A PROMOVER!
Uma luso-descendente de 23 anos encontra-se presa há 10 dias na Venezuela, acusada de terrorismo por se manifestar contra uma resolução do Ministério de Educação venezuelano.
> Confrontos junto de universidade venezuelana causam seis feridos
> Confrontos em Caracas em protesto contra detenção do líder da oposição
> Universitários da Venezuela pedem a Portugal "pronunciamento de solidariedade"
> Maduro faz ultimato a manifestantes em Caracas
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
HRW denuncia abusos contra los manifestantes venezolanos
JOAN FAUS Washington 178
La organización recoge 45 casos de graves violaciones de los derechos humanos cometidas por las fuerzas de seguridad
E AS MENTES HUMANISTAS INTERNACIONALISTAS CASEIRAS FECHAM DE BOM GRADO OS OLHOS E CENSURAM NO BOM SENTIDO NO QUE SÃO ACOMPANHADOS POR UMA LEGIÃO DE IDIOTAS ÚTEIS.MESMO QUE OS INTERESSES DOS SEUS CONCIDADÃOS ESTEJAM A SER VIOLADOS.MAS QUEM SE ADMIRA SE CALARAM E COLABORARAM NA MAIS VERGONHOSA CENA DA HISTÓRIA DE 900 ANOS DA NAÇÃO?A DA DESCOLONIZAÇÃO VIRTUOSA DO SALVE-SE QUEM PUDER...EM QUE AS "SOLIDARIEDADES" ERAM PARA QUEM OS ANDAVA A PROMOVER!
Monday, May 5, 2014
A "MEMÓRIA" É SEMPRE SELECTIVA.E A RAPAZIADA DEMOCRATA VÊ MELHOR COM O OLHO DIREITO...E NÃO DISCRIMINA COM O OLHO DO CU...
Angola's brutal history, and the MPLA's role in it, is a truth that we must tell
To ignore what happened to Angolans in the 1970s, in the name of leftwing discipline and unity, is a dangerous betrayal
Lara Pawson
The Guardian, Monday 5 May 2014
Jump to comments (167)
CD2 Angola Conflict/Popperfoto 2
Soldiers of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola in December 1975. 'I was convinced that the MPLA was a radical socialist movement that epitomised the heroism of African liberation'. Photograph: Popperfoto/UPH
Over the centuries Europeans of various strains have tried to fulfil their fantasies in Africa. I should know because I'm one of them. Not that I have ever nursed urges to convert and conquer, trade and enslave, or paternalise, dominate and discriminate. But when I set off to Angola at the end of the summer of 1998 I was just one of many who had hoped to contribute to a socialist project on the continent.
I was convinced that, at its core, the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) was a radical socialist movement that epitomised the heroism of African liberation. I had been inspired by the writings of Basil Davidson and other British Marxists who left me in no doubt about the integrity of the MPLA under Agostinho Neto, the first president of independent Angola. Unlike its CIA-backed rivals – the National Front for the Liberation of Angola, and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (Unita), the latter having allied with South Africa's white minority regime for the best part of two decades – I believed that the MPLA had fought for the freedom of all Angolan people regardless of their ethnic origin, place of birth or skin colour.
That said, I also knew that after the fall of the Berlin Wall the MPLA had made a political U-turn. Abandoning Marxism and Leninism, it had adopted a market-driven economics that morphed rapidly into crony capitalism. The power of the one-party state, which had endured since 1975 until flawed elections in 1992, was now concentrated in President José Eduardo dos Santos. Nevertheless, like many on the left my loathing was focused so intensely on Unita that it was easy to view the MPLA as little more than a cold war victim of US foreign policy.
When I arrived in Luanda, the MPLA had long been – and still is – a member of the Socialist International, an organisation that claims to pursue "progressive politics for a fairer world". I remember my pleasure on hearing politicians and other members of the urban elite calling each other camarada (comrade). Even the party rhetoric sounded remarkably similar to that of the revolutionary years of the 1970s. But a few months into my new job, when the country's "fourth war" finally erupted, I could no longer hide from the blindingly obvious: if revolutionary politicians were what I was after, I was at least 20 years too late.
In fact, this was also wrong. I began to discover that the idea of a 1970s MPLA heyday was just as misguided. An Angolan colleague told me about 27 May 1977, the day an MPLA faction rose up against the leadership, and the honeymoon of revolution crashed to a halt. Some called it an attempted coup, but my colleague insisted it was a demonstration that was met with a brutal overreaction.
Whichever story you believe, six senior members of the MPLA were killed that day by supporters of the uprising. In response, President Neto, the politburo and the state media made many highly inflammatory statements that incited extraordinary revenge. In the weeks and months that followed, thousands of people – possibly tens of thousands – were killed. Some of the executions were overseen by Cuban troops sent to Angola by Fidel Castro to repel a South African invasion.
I found this knowledge profoundly challenging. It turned everything I thought I knew on its head, especially when I began to understand that the 1977 purge cemented a culture of fear that has shaped a generation. How, I asked myself, had this appalling event remained so little known outside Angola?
The question began to obsess me. Back in London several years later, I started searching through my book collection for references to what Angolans refer to as the vinte e sete (the 27th). I found the odd sentence here and there; in one book, a few paragraphs. But what rattled me was that Angola-watchers on the left – intellectuals whom I admired – all seemed to have turned a blind eye to the thousands of killings. It was as if their commitment to the party was so deep that, in the end, they heard only the voices of its leaders and fell deaf to the calls from below.
Often I felt torn between my socialist beliefs and the search for truth. At one stage I became so disillusioned with the politics of revolution that I came close to giving up – on everything. But the words of an old friend, a man who was imprisoned and tortured by the MPLA in the 1970s, kept me going. "We cannot be afraid," he said. "We must write what we see and what we feel. Don't worry about what people will say … just get it down."
The dilemma of whether to tell the truth or keep stumm is hardly new. The European left has a history of toeing the party line – it is called discipline and unity – in the pursuit of freedom, equality and justice. The Spanish civil war is an obvious reference here, exemplified by George Orwell's account of his personal experiences with the Spanish communists in Homage to Catalonia. Let's not forget that Victor Gollancz, Orwell's publisher, refused to print it, "believing, as did many people on the left, that everything should be sacrificed in order to preserve a common front against the rise of fascism". Over the course of the past century the "sacrificed" range from the millions of victims of Stalin's brutality, via Cuban writers tiring of dictatorship, to female comrades in the Socialist Workers party seeking justice for alleged sexual abuse.
I know there will be some people who will insist, as the French philosopher Gilles Deleuze has, that "arguments from one's own privileged experience are bad and reactionary arguments". But in considering the case of Angola and the MPLA's record of brutality, it seems to me that privileging ideological theory over people's lived experiences, which are almost always contradictory, complicated and fuzzy, is far more dangerous. What many of us on the left have failed to see in Angola is that, for the majority, politics has always been about far more than merely a battle with the right.
POR CÁ A MALTA AGORA O QUE QUER É SER EMPREGADO DOS QUE ROUBARAM E EXPULSARAM OS PORTUGUESES.OS AFECTOS SÃO SÓ PARA SACAR O DINHEIRINHO DO INDIGENATO BRANCO TRAÍDO CONSECUTIVAMENTE PELA NUMENKLATURA DEMOCRATA LOCAL...
NÃO ADMIRA QUE OS MORTOS FOSSEM OS PRETOS MAIS CHEGADOS AOS PORTUGUESES CLARO...
PS
OS IDIOTAS ÚTEIS QUE VÃO VENDO O QUE LHES ACONTECE.E TEM ACONTECIDO SEMPRE...
To ignore what happened to Angolans in the 1970s, in the name of leftwing discipline and unity, is a dangerous betrayal
Lara Pawson
The Guardian, Monday 5 May 2014
Jump to comments (167)
CD2 Angola Conflict/Popperfoto 2
Soldiers of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola in December 1975. 'I was convinced that the MPLA was a radical socialist movement that epitomised the heroism of African liberation'. Photograph: Popperfoto/UPH
Over the centuries Europeans of various strains have tried to fulfil their fantasies in Africa. I should know because I'm one of them. Not that I have ever nursed urges to convert and conquer, trade and enslave, or paternalise, dominate and discriminate. But when I set off to Angola at the end of the summer of 1998 I was just one of many who had hoped to contribute to a socialist project on the continent.
I was convinced that, at its core, the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) was a radical socialist movement that epitomised the heroism of African liberation. I had been inspired by the writings of Basil Davidson and other British Marxists who left me in no doubt about the integrity of the MPLA under Agostinho Neto, the first president of independent Angola. Unlike its CIA-backed rivals – the National Front for the Liberation of Angola, and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (Unita), the latter having allied with South Africa's white minority regime for the best part of two decades – I believed that the MPLA had fought for the freedom of all Angolan people regardless of their ethnic origin, place of birth or skin colour.
That said, I also knew that after the fall of the Berlin Wall the MPLA had made a political U-turn. Abandoning Marxism and Leninism, it had adopted a market-driven economics that morphed rapidly into crony capitalism. The power of the one-party state, which had endured since 1975 until flawed elections in 1992, was now concentrated in President José Eduardo dos Santos. Nevertheless, like many on the left my loathing was focused so intensely on Unita that it was easy to view the MPLA as little more than a cold war victim of US foreign policy.
When I arrived in Luanda, the MPLA had long been – and still is – a member of the Socialist International, an organisation that claims to pursue "progressive politics for a fairer world". I remember my pleasure on hearing politicians and other members of the urban elite calling each other camarada (comrade). Even the party rhetoric sounded remarkably similar to that of the revolutionary years of the 1970s. But a few months into my new job, when the country's "fourth war" finally erupted, I could no longer hide from the blindingly obvious: if revolutionary politicians were what I was after, I was at least 20 years too late.
In fact, this was also wrong. I began to discover that the idea of a 1970s MPLA heyday was just as misguided. An Angolan colleague told me about 27 May 1977, the day an MPLA faction rose up against the leadership, and the honeymoon of revolution crashed to a halt. Some called it an attempted coup, but my colleague insisted it was a demonstration that was met with a brutal overreaction.
Whichever story you believe, six senior members of the MPLA were killed that day by supporters of the uprising. In response, President Neto, the politburo and the state media made many highly inflammatory statements that incited extraordinary revenge. In the weeks and months that followed, thousands of people – possibly tens of thousands – were killed. Some of the executions were overseen by Cuban troops sent to Angola by Fidel Castro to repel a South African invasion.
I found this knowledge profoundly challenging. It turned everything I thought I knew on its head, especially when I began to understand that the 1977 purge cemented a culture of fear that has shaped a generation. How, I asked myself, had this appalling event remained so little known outside Angola?
The question began to obsess me. Back in London several years later, I started searching through my book collection for references to what Angolans refer to as the vinte e sete (the 27th). I found the odd sentence here and there; in one book, a few paragraphs. But what rattled me was that Angola-watchers on the left – intellectuals whom I admired – all seemed to have turned a blind eye to the thousands of killings. It was as if their commitment to the party was so deep that, in the end, they heard only the voices of its leaders and fell deaf to the calls from below.
Often I felt torn between my socialist beliefs and the search for truth. At one stage I became so disillusioned with the politics of revolution that I came close to giving up – on everything. But the words of an old friend, a man who was imprisoned and tortured by the MPLA in the 1970s, kept me going. "We cannot be afraid," he said. "We must write what we see and what we feel. Don't worry about what people will say … just get it down."
The dilemma of whether to tell the truth or keep stumm is hardly new. The European left has a history of toeing the party line – it is called discipline and unity – in the pursuit of freedom, equality and justice. The Spanish civil war is an obvious reference here, exemplified by George Orwell's account of his personal experiences with the Spanish communists in Homage to Catalonia. Let's not forget that Victor Gollancz, Orwell's publisher, refused to print it, "believing, as did many people on the left, that everything should be sacrificed in order to preserve a common front against the rise of fascism". Over the course of the past century the "sacrificed" range from the millions of victims of Stalin's brutality, via Cuban writers tiring of dictatorship, to female comrades in the Socialist Workers party seeking justice for alleged sexual abuse.
I know there will be some people who will insist, as the French philosopher Gilles Deleuze has, that "arguments from one's own privileged experience are bad and reactionary arguments". But in considering the case of Angola and the MPLA's record of brutality, it seems to me that privileging ideological theory over people's lived experiences, which are almost always contradictory, complicated and fuzzy, is far more dangerous. What many of us on the left have failed to see in Angola is that, for the majority, politics has always been about far more than merely a battle with the right.
POR CÁ A MALTA AGORA O QUE QUER É SER EMPREGADO DOS QUE ROUBARAM E EXPULSARAM OS PORTUGUESES.OS AFECTOS SÃO SÓ PARA SACAR O DINHEIRINHO DO INDIGENATO BRANCO TRAÍDO CONSECUTIVAMENTE PELA NUMENKLATURA DEMOCRATA LOCAL...
NÃO ADMIRA QUE OS MORTOS FOSSEM OS PRETOS MAIS CHEGADOS AOS PORTUGUESES CLARO...
PS
OS IDIOTAS ÚTEIS QUE VÃO VENDO O QUE LHES ACONTECE.E TEM ACONTECIDO SEMPRE...
FELIZMENTE QUE DE HOJE EM DIA JÁ NÃO SÃO BRANCOS A COMPRAR...QUE NEM DADOS OS QUEREM...
Presidente da Nigéria pede ajuda internacional para encontrar raparigas raptadas
O Governo não consegue travar a insurreição dos islamistas. Alunas podem ter sido vendidas fora do país.
E A UA QUE DIZ SEMPRE QUE RESOLVE TUDO EM ÁFRICA ONDE SE BEM ME RECORDO O ÚNICO ANIMAL FEROZ ERA O BRANCO...
AGORA OS MASSACRES SÃO MINUDÊNCIAS.E NEM OS INTERNACIONALISTAS JÁ SE COMOVEM
O Governo não consegue travar a insurreição dos islamistas. Alunas podem ter sido vendidas fora do país.
E A UA QUE DIZ SEMPRE QUE RESOLVE TUDO EM ÁFRICA ONDE SE BEM ME RECORDO O ÚNICO ANIMAL FEROZ ERA O BRANCO...
AGORA OS MASSACRES SÃO MINUDÊNCIAS.E NEM OS INTERNACIONALISTAS JÁ SE COMOVEM
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